User:Drunk Uncle Kir/Draftspace 7

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Xolkriśgir
Xolkriwhatever (literally "colour fear" or "chromophobia") is a widespread superstition in many Coscivian cultures that has damaging supernatural effects on its subjects, such as the loss of their soul, erasure of their mind or memories, or condemnation to an early death.

-Varying interations: Different ascribed effects, whether any part of the body "counts" or just the face, whether it has to be voluntary. Whether negatives are okay. Whether the act of taking the photo does it, or it needs to be developed. Whether the effects can be abrogated by destroying photographs of the afflicted person. Colour photographs of things other than people are fine. Sepia tone is okay.

-Origins: Unclear, possibly from the Coscivian Book of the Dead talking about the afterlife/limbo/hell as being devoid of colour; about death taking all colour from living things, etc.

-Culture-bound catatonia and amnesia

-Geographic and democraphic distribution of the superstition

-Implications for public policy -Passport photographs, mugshots, etc. must be in black-and-white. This sometimes causes problems. -Governmental and religious efforts to combat the superstition.

-Incidents and controversies related to Xolkriwhatever

Sincere belief in Xolkriwtvr is most common in rural areas of inland Great Kirav, especially the Eastern and Western Highlands, and also in Southern Kirav.

Kiravian Whiskey Certificate
A Kiravian whiskey certificate (Coscivian: Kiravix iśkēvaþagisvaɣérua, Gaelic: Deimhniú Cíaraibheach uisce beatha) is a form of issued by the Kiravian treasury, which is backed by the contents of its Strategic Whiskey Reserve.

Background
The use of whiskey (and to a lesser extent, other distilled spirits) as currency in Kiravia predates the establishment of the country itself by centuries. The Gaelic chiefdoms of the Far Northeast made extensive use of whiskey for trade, and records left by show that surety payments were commonly calculated in units of whiskey. In the Coscivian colonies, whiskey was far more widely available than the Imperial atra or any of the official colonial saar coins, and was the medium of exchange most often used by ordinary people for much of the colonial period, especially during the Cromwelute Depredations. During the Viceregal period, most of the sub-Imperial Coscivian states in Kiravia began issuing metal-backed currencies which became commonplace in the coastal plains and in cities, but whiskey remained the only currency reliably accepted in the Eastern Highlands and Far Northeast. In Meridia, Vrykróva, and areas along the North Coast, "white spirit" was employed in a similar fashion. During the Ētrebiktor or settlement of the Kiravian interior basin, many settlements used local whiskey certificates as a form of redeemable for whiskey (or other drinks) at local pubs or general stores. The Settlement Construction Bank of Varuna, Kastera established a chain of whiskey banks in key towns along the main migration routes and hired a private army of Barrel Escorts to protect whiskey shipments from bandits as they were transferred between branches. This division of the Bank's business was later spun off as the North-Central Barrel & Crate Guardian Company, which continues to exist today as the multinational private security firm NCB Protective Systems SAK.

Monetary policy was one of the comparatively few areas of authority reserved to the national government during the era of the Confederate Republics, and as such the fledgling government devoted much effort to solidifying its authority with measures to enforce adoption of the Confederate saar instead of state and local currencies, various smokable herbs, of Çyrine tea, and, of course, whiskey. The Confederate government had little power to impose direct taxes, but ended the longstanding practice of accepting the payment of import duties in kind and required that all payments to or by the confederal government be in saars, as well as all transactions between state governments. Many states and localities, however, continued to accept tax payments in whiskey or similar commodities. Between 20754 and 20791, the Reserve Bank of Kirav attempted to replace monetary whiskey in circulation with the saar, first by buying whiskey stocks from banks, and later from individuals and households. Most holders of whiskey were reluctant to participate and the purchases from banks had to be compelled by law (the Monetary Spirits Exchange Act of 20768). These early purchases formed the core of what would later become the Strategic Whiskey Reserve.

The use of whiskey as currency declined steeply after the Continental War and the dawn of the Federal Era. The discovery of large silver reserves in the newly-conquered Western Highlands and the establishment of a stronger federal government with the power to impose domestic direct taxes (which it assessed in saars and saars alone) led to the abandonment of monetary whiskey outside of the Eastern Highlands and rural parts of Ardmore and Æonara. Kiravian households and businesses turned over their investment whiskey caches to the Reserve Bank of Kirav for saars, most of which they spent on more whiskey, albeit for consumption. As whiskey remained a valuable commodity, the federal government locked away its growing whiskey stores in various vaults and armouries across the country, including a very large collection of particularly old barrels in the cellars of the Treasury Building and the Cambrium Hall, from which high-ranking officials were known to purloin a few every so often.

Under Kirosocialism, most of the federal government's whiskey holdings were carefully transferred to their present home at the Strategic Whiskey Reserve at Fort Mortlach, Arkvera. The Kirosocialist government often borrowed against the value of the reserves and sold off considerable portions of it as its financial situation deteriorated.

Introduction
The economic turbulence associated with the end of Kirosocialism and economic liberalisation during the National Renewal revived interest in commodity-backed currencies among large segments of the Kiravian public, especially in inland, Highland, and Southern Kirav, and some of the outer colonies; as well as among libertarians and traditionalist conservatives distrustful of fiat currency, the international financial system, and the federal government. The Caucus of Justice and the Liberty Group in the Federal Cambrium both made "monetary pluralism" (Kiravic: krótavùlsikor) a feature of their caucus manifesti. Although neither group has spent much time in the Cambrial majority and the Liberty Group has generally been excluded from the pro-administration camp, monetary pluralist members of both caucuses have often managed to extract government support for their goals as concessions in return for their support on close votes. This has resulted in the expansion of the Federacy's bullion coin and precious metal certificate programmes.

The modern whiskey certificate was introduced under the Mérovin administration as part of Irasur Mérovin's reëlection strategy. Mérovin's presumptive main opponent in the election, which would take place amid the economic uncertainty of the Cripping Depression, was Ruarí MacTòisich, a former Governor of Irovasdra who had strong support from Eastern and Western Highlanders, Gaels, libertarians, fiscal conservatives, and antifederalists. Although Mérovin trailed MacTòisich among these demographics, he remained somewhat competitive due to his own Western Highlands roots and the many spending cuts and administrative reforms that he pushed through while in office. Ruarí MacTòisich made monetary pluralism a major plank of his campaign platform, and in response Mérovin organised a new whiskey certificate programme in order to sway some voters over to him in the major whiskey-producing states. It is thought to have been a key factor in Mérovin narrowly winning the electoral votes of Arkvera, where the Strategic Whiskey Reserve is located.

The first sheet of modern whiskey certificates was signed by Treasurer I.B. Gettin-Pépur in 21193.

Use
As with the other federally-recognised commodity-backed currencies, whiskey certificates are bought and held primarily as investments, and have been marketed to middle-class Kiravians and Pauldustllahanis as a way to diversify their portfolios. Whiskey certificates are useful as long-term investments and hedges against because their value increases over time as the whiskey ages. Its use as a day-to-day currency is more limited, though it is accepted by many businesses in the Eastern Highlands states, Ilánova, Méridia, New Ardmore, Uruvun, Sakhalin, and frontier areas of Kiravian Punth. It is also commonly used in Æonara, particularly Sar-i-Pául, where many vendors list prices in drams and companies trading across the strait with Pauldustllah use them for international transactions. Many pubs in other areas also accept whiskey certificates as payment.

Kiravian addressing system
The Kiravian addressing system is used to locate a specific location in the Kiravian Federacy. The Kiravian system is complex and idiosyncratic despite efforts at rationalisation and simplification during Kirosocialism. One of the distinguishing features of Kiravian addresses is that they do not reference, as the vast majority of streets in Kiravia are not formally named.

Address parts
The components of a Kiravian address vary widely according to the particulars of a location, the configuration of local geography, urban versus rural differences, and differences in customary practice peculiar to certain states and localities. However, the basic elements conserved across virtually all conventional addresses are the ram ("block") or townland, the kontruv, the countyship, and the federal subject. As a rule, address parts are listed in order from the most specific element to the most general.

The vast majority of streets in Kiravia are not named. Instead, lots are numbered within a block (ram) in built-up areas and within a and/or  in rural areas. The order in which numbers are assigned within a block is kept consistent within a kontruv (see below), but may differ among kontruya' in the same city. Some blocks use other ordinals (e.g. letters or moon runes) instead of numbers. For certain addresses, such as individual buildings on a university campus or military reservation, or for especially isolated dwellings, a descriptive name (e.g. "Konevkur's Ranch") may be used in lieu of a number.

The area within which blocks or townlands are numbered is called a kontruv, often translated as "circuit" or "riding". A kontruv may correspond to an urban neighbourhood (Marvin Gardens, Saar-Silverda), a directional divison of a city or town (Northwest, Epsilar), a or housing development in some suburban areas, or the entirety of a town or village (Glen Deveron). Kontruya in rural areas are typically directional divisions of a countyship. Most counties in central and western Great Kirav and Atrassica with roughly quadrilateral boundaries are divided into sextants, others may be divided into quadrants. Although kontruya themselves are numbered for internal purposes by the Kiravian Post, most Kiravians do not use these numbers in their addresses and may not even be aware they exist, but they are actively used in some cities, such as Escarda or many inland Kiravian cities developed during Kirosocialism.

If the kontruv of an address encompasses only part of a city or town, the city or town name is included as well. However, there are no, and addresses for lots outside of a compact built-up area need not reference any nearby settlement.

Almost all Kiravian addresses also include the countyship in which they are located, the exceptions being those in Valēka (coterminous with Imperial County, Kiygrava) and in the three nominal counties of the District of Coīnvra.

The final element in an address for domestic mail is the federal subject in which the address is located. This is usually expressed using the official postal abbreviation assigned to the state or territory, though it is perfectly acceptable to spell the name out. The Diplomatic Post Office (serving Kiravian embassies abroad), Army Post Office (serving Federal Army positions and naval bases abroad), and the Fleet Post Office (serving addresses aboard Kiravian Navy vessels) are equivalent to federal subjects for addressing purposes.

For international use, one may append "Kiravian Federacy" or "Great Kirav" to the address. The former is officially preferred by the Kiravian Post, though "Great Kirav" or simply "Kirav" or "Kiravia" are much more common in practice.

Illustrative Examples
Orbital Resonance SAK Audien Building - Suite C, №23, 15-ram, Inner Ring Northwest, Xéuleva, Co. Kalmastra, Kiygrava, Great Kirav

Government of the Kiravian Federacy General Post Office, №17, 01-ram, South section, K District, Kartika, District of Coīnvra, Great Kirav

Alquifer Incorporated Sarèvin Building, №1, 25-ram, 3-kontruv, Western Business District, Escarda, Co. Dannen, Devalōmara, Great Kirav

St. Bran's Insular Apostolic Church №12, Kilbranfannoch townland, NE quarter, Co. Céirlon, Kastera

Captain Fritter's Oyster Bar №14, 10-ram, 22-kontruv, Nevisar, Co. Arákan, Ilfenóra, Great Kirav

Implementation and Effects
Numerous studies, many commissioned by governmental agencies, have sought to evaluate the economic, social, and practical effects of the Kiravian addressing system. Most have either reported that the system is not a significant detriment to economic growth, or have been inconclusive. During the Rénkédar administration, Kiravian Civil Defence tasked an independent commission led by Burgundiann emergency management expert and urban planner Auguste-Beavis Noël-Pâques Saint-Nazaire with analysing the system's implications for large-scale disaster response. While the commission identified a number of shortcomings (as well as some possible advantages), it ultimately recommended against abandonment of the Kiravian system because the short- and medium-term disruption such a transition would entail would far outweigh any long-term benefits.

In order to deliver mail to Kiravian addresses, the Kiravian Post requires that its postmen and postwomen maintain a detailed knowledge of their circuits. Postmasters routinely corner their subordinates with on-the-spot quizzes about the particulars of irregular addresses within their service area, and a postman must ride-along with a fellow postman for at least one month before being assigned a new circuit. The 420 permanent employees of the Office of Postal Cartography, alongside hundreds of fixed-term hires work tirelessly to maintain detailed, accurate, and up-to-date maps of the Federacy's billions of addresses. The Office of Postal Cartography has stirred (minor) controversy over its reluctance to publish its maps or make its data available for public use. The OPC does consider written requests for such materials, but rarely releases maps of areas larger than one or two countyships, and generally imposes strict conditions on recipients with regard to the use and redistribution of any such information. In Nádhevan v. Kiravian Post, the Federal Consistory ruled that the agency's practices did not amount to a systematic violation of the Open Information Act, accepting the defendant's arguments that they were justified under the Act's national security and personal privacy exceptions.

It has often been suggested that the Kiravian addressing system is an important facet of Kiravian culture, and has helped shape the Kiravian mentality. Iumur Kilikas, a former leader of the Northern Alliance Party, which mainly represents rural and exurban communities in Upper Kiygrava, credits the Kiravian addressing system with helping to preserve, writing in his book Kēden us Síden, Ámides ("Here and There, Everywhere"):

"When a Kiravian gives you his address, he tells you not what road passes by his house, but what block or townland it is on, what town it is in (if any), and so on. Implicitly, in doing so he positions himself relative to his neighbours, his pub, his church, his market. When a Kiravian gives his address, it tells you something about the place where he lives and whom he lives among, rather than simply where you can spot his house along the way to somewhere else. Even a jet-setting quadruple-citizen investment banker who splits his time between an Ansalon penthouse and an Escal villa cannot expect to get his tax rebates on time

It has proven a remarkable seawall against the erosion and erasure of local identities that has accompanied the rise of the motorcar in every other nation of the world. Even the wee Sedhan village of Horlerkand on Ansalon Island, long since paved over with a succession of slaughterhouses, then slums, and now posh skyscrapers, survives as somewhere that people say they live, even though everything about it has changed. This affords each and every one of the innumerable little Kiravian towns and villages too small to appear on a map the rare dignity of being someplace unto themselves, someplace that demands to be acknowledged and reckoned with, even by someone who is just dropping in for a carry-out aspic or sending a postcard to their aunt.

One's post-town becomes the smallest 'place' that still matters, and the name of the old village lives on only "

Exceptions
There are a few areas of the Kiravian Federacy where addresses do not conform to the general Kiravian style. In New Ardmore, rural and village addresses are numbered within and differ little in form from their counterparts in rural Great Kirav, while most country towns have named streets. The capital, Ardagh, uses an inconsistent mix of street names and ram, with many addresses (especially in downtown Ardagh) using both. In the Tryhstian Littoral, streets are formally named, and most of the population use street addresses for casual purposes and everyday personal navigation. In many of the coastal and island freguesias, such as those comprising the capital, Aumém, street addresses are used for all purposes, and while the Kiravian Post may internally assign addresses to a ram and kontruv, it will deliver mail to a street address. In Véira, most residential properties are identified only by a street address, while many business establishments and large apartment buildings use both a street address and a ram address. However, in the many ferguesias and outlying parcels of Tryhstian territory that are further inland and enclaved by other Kiravian federal subjects, residents rely on Kiravian-style addresses to get their mail delivered, but otherwise refer to streets.

One prominent exception is International Avenue in Kartika, where many foreign embassies are located. Here, the Kiravian Post assigns international-style street addresses so that foreign visitors may more easily locate their embassy, and so that incoming mail from the embassies' home country can be processed more easily. The non-diplomatic properties along International Avenue also identify themselves by street numbers in order to be distinctive and fashionable.

Dumb Ideologies™
Neo-Verticalism is a political ideology that advocates the modern re-implementation of a based on the model of the First Coscivian Empire. The classical Verticalist system arose in the geographically variegated Coscivian Peninsula, where the particulars of local geography created an abundance of different microclimates suitable for the production of a diverse array of agricultural products. As the First Empire consolidated its control over the Peninsula, it instituted a centralised system of economic planning and distribution....

Neo-Verticalists...

Reservatism is something.

Draft: Sortitionland
The Sortitionist Tracts (Kiravic: Sortitsitorrisēx Trenya), officially Self-Administered Zone №23 is a self-administered zone comprising several noncontiguous parcels of land in North Atrassic Crona designated for settlement by the Abrigalasts, a divergent religious sect best known for their practice of abjuring from and making all community decisions by sortition and the casting of lots.

Governance
Like all Self-Administered Zones in Kiravian Crona, the basic law of Self-Administered Zone №23 is its Grant of Self-Administration, an ordinance issued by the Prime Executive. In the Sortitionist Tracts, the Grant defines the constitutional nature of the territory and its relationship to North Atrassic Crona, prescribes certain parameters within which the Abrigalast governing system may operate, and lays out certain basic legal protections and minimal responsibilities of the local government. A non-resident Administrator appointed by the Governor-General of North Atrassic Crona wields certain reserve and emergency powers to ensure the good government of the territory and handle relations with the indigenous population.

Mélgikson