Telekonese Conflict

The Telekonese Conflict is an ethnic and territorial conflict between Arcerion and Kelekona over the disputed region of the Innis River Basin and the Dabhóg Wetlands, inhabited by a mixture of different cultural and ethnic groups, but predominantly naturalized Arcers and Kelekonese indigenous peoples. The region is primarily under the control of Kelekona west of the Innis River, but the Telekonese peoples that make up the Southeastern portion of Kelekona are considered a de facto nation and have a diaspora that exists across national boundaries.

The conflicts origins began shortly after the end of the Fourth Bush War and the end of the Kelekonese Civil War, where subversive attempts by Titechaxha and Kelekona to subvert Arcer rule and sovereignty in the Innis River Basin were unsuccessful, as the communist and socialist insurgencies they had sponsored were militarily defeated by the time of the 1975 Gameroun Accords. Repeated calls in the League of Nations and international community by the Kelekonese government to return Telekonese-majority areas of Northwest Arcerion had gone unheeded, and growing frustrations in the Kelekonese government's People's Font's communist leadership meant that their newly acquired sovereignty and power after a devastating civil war was threatened by the existence of Arcer military buildup along the border.

The following series of conflicts were attempts by Kelekona to seize the industrially and economically important Innis River Basin, including the Arcer city of Dunborough, resulting in thousands of military deaths and civilian casualties. This also included the attempts by the Kelekonese government to seize the Foxhey Islands and the disputed areas in the Gibson Gap. Multiple ceasefires and arimstice agreements have subsequently validated Arcer sovereignty, but continued violations have resulted in the ongoing conflict, which has not seen a major outbreak since 2007's escalation. The 2007 conflict resulted in the destabilization of the Yellow Revolution reforms, and the continued slide of Kelekona into sectarian and ethnic infighting amongst rival warlords. This destabilized state has prevented a resurgence in the conflict, although Kelekonan state media consistently blames Arcer involvement, notably the use of the Office of Public Safety and National Security, for the poor state of modern Kelekonese affairs.

Incidents since 2007 are limited, but with Operation REDOUBT and the attempt by Arcerion and the Cape to bilaterally stabilize Kelekona, casualties and attacks against Arcerion have continued to decline.

Background
Arcer settlement and Occidental expansion into the Southeastern Cronan peninsula had forcibly pushed out the Telekonese and Kelekonan Indigenous peoples over two centuries, forcing them to intermix and resettle along Arcerion's Northern and Southeastern border, notably the Innis River Basin and the Washakaran Basin. Kelekona had supported the Fourth Bush War between 1965 to 1974. Notably this manifested in the Operation Kiln and Operation Terrace areas of operation, where the socialist government supported the Free Telokonese People's Movement (FTPM), Telokonan Worker's Army for a Free Crona (TWAFC), and Kelekona supported the Kelekonan Militia for Free Indigenous People (KMFIP). Arming and training these groups covertly had exhausted much of Kelekona's economic and military resources, and after the Gameroun Accords and the armistice, the Kelekonese government sought to again try and liberate and reclaim indigenous Telekonese and Kelekonese peoples settled in the Innis River Basin.

Ethnic conflicts in Northwest Arcerion had long existed between naturalized Arcers, Ardmori migrants, and the Indigenous peoples. Messaging and propaganda by Kelekona had long been aimed at highlighting the supposed oppression of Indigenous minorities, disenfranchisement of native peoples, and the lack of civil rights that the Arcer government afforded to non-white citizens in Norham and Northlea Governorates. Efforts to assist with the creation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), interfere with local municipal elections, and the creation of support programs for resettlement of Kelekonans to Arcerion had consistently been thwarted by the Office of Public Safety and National Security, as the subversive efforts to undermine the growing Arcosphere were growing amongst the nation's northern border.

By Over the late 1970s and early 1980s, Kelekona had repaired the damage done by the civil war in the country, and focused on improving the instruments of the state, such as its Foreign Affairs and internal security forces. Improvements by the People's Front in government had helped with the establishment with a growing number of militant factions within the government, notably in the General Staff. During this period efforts to expand access to the Gibson Gap and the maritime commercial entrance to Central Crona failed. Dunborough had a monopoly as the main port-of-entry for much of Central Crona, and Kelekonan Ports remained uncompetitive to global markets due to the socialist policies and the traditional proliferation of maritime commerce between Arcerion and major maritime commercial giants such as Burgundie and Kiravia.

In the lead up to the 1986 conflict, Kelekona had been messaging that it had historical claim to the Foxhey Islands and Gibson Gap. It argued that there was shared ethnic and cultural heritage to the port of Dunborough, the mouth of the Innis and Cochrane Rivers, as well as the Gibson Gap and islands that were under Arcer control. A 1985 economic recession had crippled the Kelekonan economy, and looking for a casus belli to seize the economically important Gibson gap and Innis River Basin, it aimed to use this historical ethnic and cultural claim.

1986 Conflict
Main Article: Operation Featherlite

Despite warnings by the Office of Public Safety and National Security that included reports of significant troop movements, as well as satellite imagery demonstrating the movement of half a dozen brigades of the Kelekonan People's Army and naval vessels, the Confederate Parliament made no moves to mobilize Arcer Forces. While public support of the government remained high after the nearly decade-long Fourth Bush War, Arcerion was largely still weary of another war and public opinion polls sponsored by some Members of Parliament showed the public was reluctant to engage in another war with their Northern neighbours. Seeing this, the Kelekonese government believed that Arcerion would not defend their islands or seek to retake them militarily. In doing so, the Kelekonan forces believed they could defend their claim in the League of Nations, which would be sympathetic to their historical claim and recognize their sovereignty over the islands. The Foxhey Garrison was primarily centered around Port Gibson, in Foxhey Governorate. A singular battalion of infantry (3rd Battalion, Norham Light Infantry) was supported by two understrength reserve infantry battalions from the Foxhey Foot Grenadiers. Opposite them was thousands of Kelekonan communist forces, as well as a considerable amount of older Second Great War-vintage ships of the Kelekonan people's Navy, with some modern upgrades purchased in the 1970s. Preparations for landings and rehearsals had been conducted prior in the year in the Kelekonan Islands of the Malentine Sea.

At 4am on the 12th of August 1986, shortly before sunrise, Kelekonan warships appeared off the coast of the Foxhey Islands. Kelekonan forces seized the islands of Sharnwick, Larton, Gramsby, and Swindon. These four islands comprised the largest four islands north of Gibson Island, the largest in Foxhey Governorate. Kelekonan bombers struck the airfields at Port Gibson, and ships shelled the dock facilities and airstrip at Farnsworth. Arcer troops in Port Gibson quickly dispersed after deceiving the news via HF radio that Farnsworth was under attack, moving to positions on the bluffs around Port Gibson to defend it.

The Arcer government was quick to react, and the Confederate Parliament sent diplomatic correspondence to Kelekona informing it that if all forces were not withdrawn in 96 hours, and reparations paid to repair damage and compensate for civilian casualties, then Arcerion would respond with military force. Kelekona did not respond, and the Arcer government began to set conditions to retake the islands. Radio transmissions from Port Gibson to the occupied islands informed them that they would be freed soon, and to shelter in place and cooperate with local authorities and not to resist Kelekonan Forces. Despite this, roughly two dozen Arcer citizens were killed by the Kelekonan People's Army, mostly farmers who attacked Kelekonans with their hunting rifles or through violent protest.

The Arcer General Staff prepared three brigades to seize the islands. 1 Rifle, 7 Rifle, and 11 Para were all moved quickly to Craigfearn and began preparations to retake the four islands of Foxhey. Concurrently, the Arcer Air Force engaged in fierce dogfights over the Gibson Gap, with Arcer fighters and their Kelekonan opponents attempting to gain control of the skies. The Kelekonan fighter aircraft, of older make, were outmatched by the Arcer fighters, however damage by a surprise naval attack at night and shore bombardment by the Kelekonan Navy on the Port Gibson airfield forced Arcer sorties from the mainland, whereas Kelekonese pilots sortied from islands in the Gap itself. The pitched battles were key to prepare for the island landings, and eventually the Arcer Air Force regained control of the skies, despite some losses in pilots, aircrew, and air frames. Fighter bombers spent the rest of August and much of September striking Kelekonan locations on the islands, landing sites, and resupply vessels, attempting to pin and isolate occupying forces. The Royal Arcerion Naval Service during this time conducted sorties, with the Royal Arcer Submarine Service working to strangle Kelekonan commerce, with surface vessels blockading the Warrington Strait and preventing any Kelekonan-flagged vessel from entering the Malentine Sea, and seizing any attempting to leave. Over the course of October and November, Arcer infantrymen, supported by light artillery, close air support, combat engineers, and naval gunfire landed on the islands over a series of weeks and retook them from Kelekonan control. Kelekonan forces, facing starvation, harsh Northern Malentine conditions, with cold rains and night temperatures ranging from 0-5°C had low morale and were short on supplies. Arcer infantry, under these adverse weather conditions, methodically cleared each island, liberating hamlets and villages of Arcer fishermen and citizenry, who welcomed the Arcer forces with flowers and warm food. Conditions on the island during November had continued to become worse, with cold rains and high winds making helicopter-borne resupply to the Arco forces on the islands increasingly difficult.

Losing the grip on the islands, and fighting a rising unpopular public outcry on the home front, the People's Front decided to attack via mainland Arcerion to seize the key Northern port of Dunborough. Arcer forces however had been pre-positioned along the Innis River Basin. Two elite brigades of the Kelekonan People's Army, the 112th and 113th Presidential Guard attempted to cross into Arcerion and seize Dunborough, however Arcerion's 6 Mechanized Brigade had been dug in, and conducted a successful defence of the northern portions of Norham Governorate, and even conducted two successful counterattacks across the river, pushing to the suburbs of the Kelekonan town of Bambara, with multiple squadrons from the Arcerion Mounted Rifles routing their Kelekonan counterparts.

Throughout the conflict, the Arcerion Special Operations Command conducted reconnaissance, raids, and supporting missions for all branches of the Armed Forces of Arcerion, although there specific actions have never been publicly disclosed by the Confederate Parliament.

With the Gibson Gap liberated, and their attack on Dunborough an abject failure, Kelekona requested that the League of Nations negotiate an armistice. The United Republic of Alstin acted as a negotiating intermediary between the two nations. An initial ceasefire was agreed upon in the first week of December, with both sides halting offensive actions and Arcer forces withdrawing from Bambara and back into their sovereign borders. The negotiations ended with the pre-conflict borders reaffirmed by both sides, and Arcer forces spent Christmas with the local populace in Foxhey, with many soldiers welcomed into the small hovels and fishing homes of local families for Christmas Dinners. Modern traditions for the Royal Easthampton Borderers still include fish served at the Christmas Mess Dinner to honour this achievement. Arcer casualties had not been light, and the 33 soldiers captured by Kelekonese forces were returned on New Year's Day as part of a prisoner exchange, that occurred in Riverton, Alstin, with the Arcer Air Force flying the troops home the following week to be reunited by their family. In Kelekona, the result of the war's outcome and the economic recession's continuance resulted in the 1988 military Junta's coup d'etat, which was widely speculated to be sponsored covertly via Arcerion's Office of Public Safety and National Security as retaliation for continued communist attacks on Arco sovereignty.

1991 Conflict
With the new military junta installed as of 1988, the right-wing government had begun to consolidate power and purge dissidents. Secret courts and tribunals, executions, and politically-motivated imprisonments meant that the nation had begun to resent the new government. Mass protests from labour unions and socialist university students were met with violent crackdowns, and public outcry continued to mount. The League of Nations had condemned the violent suppression of dissent, but the new Junta did not heed their warnings. Arcerion, still wary of Kelekona from the 1986 conflict, had ceased diplomatic relations with the country, however it maintained a small consular staff in Maktalin to negotiate certain economic and diplomatic initiatives. Over three-quarters of energy in Eastern Kelekona was supplied by Arcer's power grid, and much of the finished goods and high end commercial grade products such as electronics and cars were imported from Arcerion. Kelekona's eastern Occidental neighbour also had a significant amount of access and control over fresh water resources, as Arcer corporations and water treatment facilities provided a high percentage of the potable and drinkable water to Kelekona. The junta was also concerned with the outflow of a Kelekonan intelligentsia, or 'brain drain,' caused by the domestic actions of the security forces.

Arcer Under the leadership of Lieutenant-General Tyro K'lyu, the head of the military government, plans and assessments began to be formulated for the seizure of upper portions of the Innis River, to attempt to force the Arcer government to negotiate for more favourable energy and economic terms. Doing so would also attempt to seize two key objectives - the Dunborough Nuclear Power Plant (DNPP) and the Coal-fired power plant in Oakham. These two cities combined would help with energy self-sufficiency as Kelekona had an energy deficit. Plans were for a quick offensive, seizing the two powerplants, as well as the junction of the North Innis and Innis Rivers, which would help to leverage the lowland terrain. Plans included the government of Titechaxha engaging Arcerion diplomatically to assist with the Kelekonese claim that these lands were part of ancestral Kelekona, and they had cultural and historical claim to them.

Arcerion's intelligence services had identified the areas where they had failed to influence the government during the 1986 conflict, and the Confederate Parliament was quick to instruct the Arcer General Staff to prepare, and plans were drawn up. Initial estimates mistakenly included Dunborough as one of the targets, a holdover from the assessment that Kelekona wished to seize the port.

Arcerion moved five Regular Army Brigades quietly up to the Northwestern border, with 1 Rifle digging in defensive positions around Oakham, and 4 Mechanized around Westchester. Other units prepped for counter-attacks and follow-on actions, with 11 Para linking up with Air Force strategic and tactical airlift assets in Dalton, and 5 and 6 Mechanized Brigades in an assembly area near the banks of the Leigh River. The plan by the Arcer General Staff was to conduct a flexible defense-in-depth.

The Arcer government announced on 27 August that they were aware of the Kelekonan Army's preparations, and informed Kelekona that if they were to continue then there would be an appropriate military response. Kelekona, now realizing they had lost the element of surprise, rushed the final preparations of the invasion, which affected the ability of their Brigades to properly prepare and coordinate. Just prior to dawn on August 29th, Kelekonan units of the 11th and 24th Motor Rifle Brigades engaged Arcer static positions with artillery. However due to the lack of operational surprise, the Arcer units had spread out, and the artillery had little to no effect, instead just causing minor civilian casualties amongst the local population. The two brigades rolled across the line of departure and crossed bridges near Oakham and on the Innis River, and engaged elements of 1 Rifle Brigade along the Oakham Defensive Line. The previous 24 hours had seen Reserve units in Oakham assisting with the construction of defensive fighting positions, evacuating civilians, and assisting civil authorities with preparations for an enemy advance. Long columns of civilian vehicles along Interstate Highway 11 fleeing the fighting would continue for days, as the Royal Arcerion Regiment had to conduct the difficult task of both delaying the Kelekonan forces advancing on Oakham from two directions. Notable was the defense of the historical Firebase Emily, a military base from the Fourth Bush War, by a combined unit of reservists from the Princess of Kilkken's Own Regiment (PKOR) against two motor rifle regiments trying to seize the junction of the Innis and North Innis Rivers. 1st Battalion, PKOR would resist the Kelekonan forces until relieved in mid-October. In the South, 4 Mechanized Brigade conducted a desperate defence against Kelekonan forces. Outnumbered 4:1, 4 Mechanized conducted a fighting withdrawal into the town's suburbs, where pre-laid minefields, tank ditches, and the usage of anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) had slowed down the Kelekonan forces, who had begun to outstrip their supply lines, which were under fire from Arcer artillery and air strikes. The offensive slowed, and by mid-September, the Arcer General Staff believed the enemy had fought to their limit, and prepared Operation Corbray, their counter-offensive.

Operation Corbray
In the North, 11 Parachute Brigade conducted a major airborne insertion of the entire Brigade, and after seizing the enemy airfield at Tallyibumbera, outflanked the Kelekonan 11th Motor Rifle Brigade, quickly destroying much of their rear echelon formations and enablers (artillery, maintenance, etc). Now isolated, the remaining battalions and sub units of the 11th Motor Rifle pivoted Northwest, in an attempt to fight to the 24th, and link up and be relieved. Successful, they withdrew and by mid-October they had pulled back to the North Innis River, and dug in defensive positions. Concurrently, 1 Rifle committed their reserve tanks from the Arcerion Tank Regiment and completely destroyed the 1054th Combined Infantry Regiment of the Kelekonan Army, effectively ending any further actions on the Northern axis. In the South, 5 and 6 Mechanized Brigades had waited until the Arcer Air Force had finished their pre-bombing of the Kelekonese forces. The two Mechanized Brigades had been fixed by fighter bomber sorties which had been assisted by members of the Arcerion Special Operations Command laser-designating targets behind enemy lines and conducting long-range reconnaissance. The mechanized counter attack had caught the Kelekonans off-guard, as they lacked the in-depth strategic reconnaissance and had been unable to locate the Arcer mechanized troops. Their assessments had been that 4 Mechanized would conduct a relief-in-place in Westchester, but this never materialized. The Battle of Westchester was the largest armoured engagement in South Crona since Operation Lightfoot, with two Arco brigades smashing into the flank of the Kelekonan Army on the night of 12 October. Arco advancements in modern GPS systems, night fighting equipment, thermal imaging systems, and blue force tracking allowed the first two phases of the counter attack to be conducted entirely at night, one of the first of its kind. The technological advantage favoured Arcerion, and by dawn the 48th and 50th Mechanized Brigades had begun a hasty retreat towards Bambara. Poor road conditions and autumn rains however had made road moves difficult, and special forces activities by the Special Arcerion Service Regiment had continued to degrade their ability to move freely. With their forces in shambles and retreating, the Kelekonan junta announced that they wished to negotiate a ceasefire. Arcerion declined, and continued offensive actions in a series of running battles for the rest of October, and on the 5th of November once again asked the United Republic of Alstin to negotiate an armistice, as Arcer forces had placed the 4 Southern Kelekonan brigades in a cauldron near Bambara, and believed they had the necessary leverage. The resulting armistice created a demilitarized zone (DMZ) along the Kelekonan side of the Arcer border. Concurrent to that, reparation payments for repairs to Arco infrastructure were to be paid, and Arcerion demanded compensation for the families of civilians killed in the fighting. In Arcerion, resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) took until 1993 as the government had to reconstruct homes, especially around Westchester and Oakham.

The junta's failure and violation of international law saw another strike against its leadership, giving more ammunition for rioting university students and union activists, which would ultimately culminate in the 2002 Yellow Revolution.

2007 Conflict
After the 2002 Yellow Revolution, the military Junta in Kelekona was significantly weakened. Its new commander, Vice Admiral Sypho Mo'leno was a career naval officer who had been educated in Alshar and was a strong proponent of a sovereign Kelekona. Despite attempts to improve the economic positioning of the nation, it had been overshadowed by the rapid expansion of Alstinian, Arcer, and Paulastran commercial interests and shipping. With sluggish economic growth, rampant unemployment, and an energy grid that suffered from frequent blackouts and brownouts, the Kelekonese government sought to against attempt to gain control over the economic centres of Arcerion via Dunborough and the Innis River Basin.

The Office of Public Safety and National Security had for some time been tracking Mo'leno's militant faction within the junta, and upon is rise to power and leadership of the country, had informed the Confederate Parliament's National Security Enterprise that there was a likely chance there would be another outbreak of conflict in the Telekonese Lowlands. After the extensive repairs and reconstruction efforts in Northwest Arcerion, the federal government was reluctant to allow it to happen again, and began formulating plans to prevent it from occurring again. Directives were given to the Arcer General Staff, and plans for a pre-emptive strike against senior leadership in the junta, the civilian government, as well as key strategic sites such as bridges and military garrisons were prepared.

Members of the Office of Public Safety and National Security, working with Arcerion Special Operations Command, infiltrated Kelekona using pre-existing methods established in the late 1990s. Targets were identified and using satellites, verified for the General Staff. As Admiral Mo'leno's forces began to assemble in the Eastern portions of the nation, Arcerion was well aware, and tracked the early movements of brigade headquarters and the fueling of airplanes for rehearsals as early as December of 2006.

Arcerion informed its key allies, Paulastra, Alstin, and Burgundie that it was likely to incur international backlash as it planned to conduct a series of debilitating air strikes, cruise missile attacks, and other missions to prevent Kelekona from again attacking Arcerion. The greatest threat to Arcerion's sovereignty was not a military invasion by Kelekona, but it was assessed by the Arcer Foreign Office that the international community would not see the attacks as self-defense but instead as a blatant violation of Kelekonan sovereignty. With the early 2000s rise of socialism and progressive politics, pro-indigenous and pro-native factions in the League of Nations had made the international relations of Arcerion external to Crona more difficult.

As of mid-May 2007 the strategic assessments and preparations had been done, and on 28 May Arcerion conducted the attacks on Kelekonese targets. While Kelekona was somewhat aware that their plans were not being conducted in secret, the attacks caught them by surprise. Air defense systems and border radars were quickly destroyed, followed by radio stations and television broadcast facilities. By mid afternoon on 28 May, most garrisons and senior headquarters facilities within the Kelekonan Armed Forces had been struck by ship and submarine-launched cruise missiles, as well as aerial sorties by the Arcer Air Force. While never publicly disclosed or acknowledged by the Confederate Parliament, there was a series of car bombs, attacks by masked gunmen, and disappearances of senior Kelekonan officials. It was surmised by the international community that this was the work of the Operations Directorate of the Office of Public Safety and National Security.

Kelekona made several failed small attempts to cross the Arcer border in June, however these were usually by battalions of the National guard attempting to seize road junctions or border crossing points, and Arcerion suffered no casualties, inflicting many on Kelekona. Arcerion suffered some pilots and aircrew wounded, and several aircraft damaged by ground fire and surface-to-air missiles, although there were no fatalities. International reactions to the attacks were mixed, however Arcerion remained steadfast that these attacks were necessary. These attacks and the destruction of many of the Kelekonan state functions and services were a contributing factor to the continued slide into civil unrest and Kelekona's progress towards a failed state.

Fatalities
The total fatalities for the conflict range - with more accurate assessments from the Acer side and a variety of reported or disclosed from the Kelekonan. Without a significant body of Kelekonan reporting that is credible, Arcer casualty estimates and after-action reports are often used as substitute.

Effects on Civilian Infrastructure
In Arcerion, the wars have taken a toll on the civilian infrastructure in the areas affected by the conflict. After the end of the Third Conflict, Parliament designated a joint area stretching from Oakham to Dunborough as part of the Northwestern Border Security Zone, which is a special administrative division and therefore entitled to additional sources of federal funding to assist rebuilding. It does not preclude normal governance by the respective Lieutenant Governors of Norham and Northlea, but rather subdivides the area for federal assistance. During the First Conflict, damages to port and dockyard facilities, as well as smaller municipal and county roads was the biggest impact. Similar damage was done to Dunborough during the Second Conflict, with the failed attacks on Dunborough. Port facilities had undergone major repairs, and the Confederate Parliament used these as an opportunity to give additional funding for upgrades to the older facilities in Dunborough and Farnsworth. Highways in Arcerion, notably Highway 1 connecting Dunborough and Oakham was significantly damaged by shelling, air strikes, and tracked vehicle usage on the pavement during the Second Conflict. Repairs were completed by 2000 and the road was operable for heavy truck traffic.

Arcer citizens also had their homes damaged, notably in Oakham, Westchester, and Dunborough. These cities and town saw significant urban fighting in the outer suburbs and the nearby towns, devastating them. The government worked with insurance companies and subsidized the rebuilding of homes and small business in these areas to promote the return of citizens and permanent residents to the towns. The Royal Arcerion Constabulary was also tasked with additional policing and assistance in these areas to prevent the spread of lawlessness or looting, and dozens of locals were arrested for crimes of that nature in 1991 and 1992 as the towns went through reconstruction.

In Kelekona, rebuilding efforts have been exceptionally scattered and ad hoc. With multiple changes of government, a poor economy, and a lack of professional modern engineering and construction companies, reconstruction efforts are still underway in the 2000s from the first conflict. The damage to Bambara and Tallyibumbera after the Second conflict can still be observed. The airport in Bambara has only one of the original three terminals in operation as of the early 2020s, and the Bambaran military airfield was never again occupied by the Kelekonan Air Force. Reconstruction efforts also were abandoned or lacked funding from the League of Nations as the majority of the funding and NGO assistance was redirected to Varshan after the Final War of the Deluge, and the collapse of the Kelekonan State in the 2020s.

Titechaxha
Titechaxhan government officials supported Kelekona throughout the three conflicts with weapons, diplomatic support, and intelligence on Arcer forces. Titechaxha also defended Kelekona in the League of Nations, as part of the Cronan Indigenous Bloc. The Tite government permitted the landing of Kelekonan jets and aircraft to base out of their Western airfields, and provided ammunition and fuel once the Kelekonan forces began to run out. At the end of the Second Conflict, some of the Kelekonan forces routed from Oakham sought refuge in Titechaxha.

Malentina
Malentina supported Kelekona with munitions, fuel, and spare parts for aircraft during the length of the conflict. In the League of Nations General Assembly, Malentine ambassadors and diplomatic staff also worked to support initiatives by Kelekona to legitimize the campaigns undertaken to regain Indigenous land and work to create more concrete diplomatic and cultural grounds for the invasion.

Istrenya
Istrenya was notable as not outwardly supporting Kelekona. It remained neutral, as the shared access to the Warrington Strait, and proximity to Arcerion meant it was under threat of attack by the Arcer military if it had supported and jeopardized Arcerion's maritime commerce. It served as a port of refuge for some Kelekonan ships who were evading Arcer naval vessels blockading the straits, or that were unable to gain passage into the Malentine Sea. Historical reliance on a strong Arcerion, as with the 1956 Istrenyan Crisis, meant the populist government was unwilling to break from ranks with their Malentine neighbor. In the League of Nations, Istrenya abstained from all voting regarding the conflict, and private discussions with the Arcer Foreign Office concluded this was an amicable resolution for both nations.

Burgundie
As is it's custom, whenever Arcerion goes to war, Burgundie developed a military aid package. During the Telekonese conflicts this occurred in 1986 and 1991, the aid consisted primarily of various fuels and ammunition. In 2007, the package was substantively broader, also including additional land attack cruise missiles.

In all three cases, a small number of Burgoignesc advisor/observers were on hand with front line Arcer troops but conducted no combat operations. Burgundie also took over Arcer naval commitments in the South Songun and Polynesian Seas to allow for the Royal Arcer Naval Service to send additional ships to the Malentine Sea to fight.

Ceasefire and International Mediation
The League of Nations was largely ineffective at preventing further conflicts and the final destruction of much of Kelekona's state facilities and infrastructure in 2007 has prevented another conflict. Alstin was ultimately the main arbitrator of peace in the Malentine Basin, negotiating multiple armistice between the warring nations.