Ethnic groups in Kiravia

Arnórian Coscivians
Arnórian Coscivians or Arnóriem are a Coscivian people traditionally predominant in the Northern Fringe of Great Kirav abutting the Coscivian Sea, including offshore islands in the vicinity.

Arnórians are spirit drinkers - whiskey and akvavít - first, and beer drinkers - mainly spruce/pine, heather, and elderberry ales - second, viewing beer as a soft drink and nutritional staple and only distilled liquors as truly "hard" beverages. As in many Coscivian cultures, Arnórian couples contract a marriage engagement by drinking beer from the same ritual cup.

is central to Arnórian culture, and Arnórians are heavily over-represented in the Boreal Hockey League, even more so among the League's coaching staff.

Euluśian Coscivians
The Euluśians are a Coscivian tribe of Sēoran and Ĥeiran ancestry whose traditional occupation is and the artisanal manufacture of. , the collection of kelp for use in fertilising poor soil, had been practiced on the western coasts of Kaltēdan and Ærēdan for centuries, but the task was extremely time-consuming and labour-intensive. According to the minutes of a Kaltan legal proceeding during the Third Empire, “the Kelpers [Euluśians] came from the islands, the rocks, and the sea, offering to relieve that yearly burden, and in exchange recieved food and pay,".  The commodity, if collected in sufficient amounts, was in great demand and proved highly profitable. Coastal farmers were willing to pay handsomely to free up time that would otherwise have been spent kelping for other work, and inland farmers were able to improve their crop yields by buying from the Euluśians what they could not gather for themselves. Seaweed came to be used by the Kaltem for food and medicine, and the Euluśians also burned it to produce soda ash for Kaltem glassworkers. Relations between settled Kaltem and the Euluśians were generally benign, though the Kaltem did (and often continue to) view the Kelpers as simplistic, primitive, and desperate. There are, however, recorded instances of Euluśians attacking and killing Kaltem who tried to gather kelp for themselves, threatening the Euluśian monopoly. The Euluśians also gather for use as food and  for processing into carageenan starch.

Euluśians adopted the Apostolic faith of their settled neighbours. Historically, those Euluśians practicing their traditional roving lifestyle did not observe the Sabbath and attended religious services only a few times a year, but prayed several times daily, drew on Biblical parables in their oral tradition, and venerated saints. Today, however, Euluśian religious practices are generally similar to those of other rural coastal Ĥeiran Coscivians.

The traditional Euluśian economy was characterised by individual families or bands of families working to gather and process seaweed. While kelping was their primary activity, Euluśians supplemented their income and food supply by fishing, bird-hunting, gathering herbs and shellfish, and occasionally gardening. Women worked with men when they were not tending to children, and children themselves were expected to help with kelp processing and housekeeping until they were able to take on adult tasks. As a result, the Euluśians have an even higher degree of gender equality than their rather egalitarian Kaltan neighbours.

Indokwé Coscivians
The Indokwé are an ethnic group of mixed Éorsan Coscivian and Urom ancestry that emerged in Asperidan during the Coscivian colonisation of the Western Highlands. Originally a small confederation of agricultural tribes, the Indokwé were subject to frequent attack by the Draili Empire, and readily allied with Kiravia against Drail in the Continental War. In the decades following the war, the Indokwé, now Kiravian citizens, readily adopted numerous Cosco-Kiravian technologies and customs, and allowed Coscivians to settle in their territory (which had been enlarged to include much depopulated Draili land), provided that they underwent initiation into the tribe.

In 211XX, the Grand Council petitioned the Federal Stanora to classify the Indokwé as Coscivians, which it did in the Indokwé Status Act of 211XY. Thereafter, the Indokwé became the largest voting bloc and the most politically influential community in Asperidan Territory.

The Indokwé continue to speak their ancestral language, which is written in the Coscivian script. In terms of religion, they are predominantly Archepiscopal.

The Indokwé are known for their high rate of service in the Kiravian armed forces, particularly the Air Corps, which is mainly a result of Kímosav Airbase and the Kiravian Army Air Corps Academy being located in their historic territory.

Kandan Coscivians
The Kandans are an important ethnic group within the Kir cohort. Their homeland is the city of Evira and its environs in upstate Kaviska, from whence many generations of Kandan pioneers have gone on to establish substantial Kandan communities in Arkvera (where they are the largest Coscivian group), north-central Kastera, northern Hiterna, Intravia, Vôtaska, Devahoma, and [Roberta]; as well as parts of northern Etivéra and West Etivéra. The Kandan dialect of Kiravic has a long literary tradition, and is used as the preferred written form of Kiravic by many newspapers and educational institutions in heavily Kandan areas, and for administrative purposes by the Arkvera state government and many local governments in Kaviska.

The Kandans have historically been associated with the Archepiscopal Church of Kiravia, which was born of a complicated (and still poorly understood) schism that separated the Archdiocese of Evira from the wider Coscivian Orthodox Church. Affiliation with the Archepiscopal Church is an important marker of Kandan identity, and Archepiscopal parishes form the nexi of many Kandan communities, though the denomination is multi-ethnic and a significant minority of Kandans remain Coscivian Orthodox or have converted to Roman Catholicism. Most Kandans also practice the Coscivian religions of Ruricanism or Iduanism to some extent.

Norborean Coscivians
Norboreans are a Coscivian subgroup settled mainly on the coasts and islands of the Kilkas Sea and Coscivian Sea. They are descended mainly from ethnic Novalkes of Vithinjan origin and local Coscivian peoples in their native range, such as Cosco-Koskenkorvans, North Coscivians, and Suderavian Coscivians. Their common tongue is a emerging from linguistic contact between an old western Ruthi dialect and Kilikas-Valēkas Coscivian.

Life in Norborean villages conserves many Vithinjan traditions, such as the folkmoot, Conjungite Christian worship, and Mountainsong (mainly in mountainous Suderavia); and even a few folkways that have declined somewhat in modern Vithinja, such as.

In modern times, Norboreans have dispersed beyond their native range to other parts of mainland North Kirav, the island of Rhuon (where most were involved in the mining industry), and Thýstara. The largest single concentration of Norboreans today is the Prakern kontruv in Bérasar, consistently the nicest ungentrified neighbourhood in Bérasar's "transitional" Ironside ward. Many Norboreans left their home villages for Bérasar beginning in the 1960s AD to seek employment, and many more joined them when the subarctic mines were restructured after the end of Kirosocialism.

Kerēgulan Coscivians
The Kerēgulans are a seafaring Coscivian people native to Kaviska and northern Niyaska. Closely related to the Sedhan Coscivians, they have historically been influential in navigation, commerce, exploration, and (specifically naval) warfare.

The customary leader of the Kerēgulan people is the Speaker of the Houses, who is normally elected by the leaders of the seven Kerēgulan clans every 48 months.

In modern times Kerēgulans belong to the Coscivian Catholic Church but also maintain Læstorian rites and traditions.

One of the earliest, the Company of Kerēgulan Merchants of the Tropics, was formed by the family-owned Kerēgulan mercantile houses of Saar-Niyaska and Sardēmur Island to engage in the in southeast Crona, Cartadania, and the Loa Archipelago. The company still exists today as the KMT Group, a diversified conglomerate based in Pribraltar and Saar-Niyaska.

Okutran Coscivians
The Okutran Coscivians are a small Coscivian ethnic group living in the North Coast region.

Pine Swamp Coscivians
The Pine Swamp Coscivians are a socially insular and poorly-understood endogamous social group comprising some twenty-two clans who traditionally inhabit poorly-drained pinelands, swamps, bogs, and fens in Elegia and Knassania. Six of the eight clans live in Trinatria, while the remaining two live in South Niyaska. Each clan has a relationship with one of the other clans, with men from one moïetically-paired clans only marrying women from the other clan, and vice-versa.

The Pine Swamp Coscivians speak a language belonging to the Heronic family. Its closest relative is Iforian, with which it has very limited mutual intelligibility.

Sea Coscivians
Not to be confused with the Land Coscivian - Sea Coscivian paradigm in South Crona.

The Sea Coscivians (Kiravic: Farakoskem, Maritime Coscivian: Faracosxe) are a cluster of seafaring Coscivian ethnosocial groups. Perhaps the most geographically dispersed of the Coscivian peoples, Sea Coscivians can be found in port cities across the Kiravian Federacy and other Coscivian countries, living permanently aboard ships in the world's oceans, and in any number of non-Coscivian countries the world over, where they have arrived as merchants and seamen. Though their ethnogenesis remains shrouded in mystery, Sea Coscivians as a distinct social group are most commonly thought to have arisen from ritual brotherhoods of sailors formed during the Penultimate Interimperium, likely borrowing from the initiatory rites of existing tribes of itinerant living along the southern coasts of Great Kirav. From the [Xth] Empire onward, they contributed to the overseas expansion of Coscivian civilisation, the migrations throughout Ixnay, and later the establishment of the Kiravian maritime commercial and colonial network.

The lingua franca among Sea Coscivians is Maritime Coscivian, a based on some form of Costratic Coscivian and drawing vocabulary from other major littoral languages during early Postclassical times. Maritime Coscivian was originally used in ports all across the Coscivian world and by sailors of all backgrounds; however, the Sea Coscivians alone adopted it as their native language, and today the knowledge of the tongue survives only among Sea Coscivians and veterans of the Kiravian Navy. Due to the dispersed and peripatetic disposition of its speech community, Maritime Coscivian as spoken by Sea Coscivians is an extremely fractured language with numerous dialects that sometimes strain mutual intelligibility. The speech patterns of more traditional sea-dwelling or isolated island-dwelling Sea Coscivians can constitute distinctive micro-dialects and familects. Certain dialects - such as Dialect 12a spoken mainly among Clan Korellin in the Kilikas Sea - are regarded as more conservative, deviating comparatively little from what linguists believe was spoken by the Sea Coscivians who sailed with Kedhur Valēkas. Others, best exemplified by Dialect 46b of a particular neighbourhood in Mirśamur, Melian Isles, are highly divergent, exhibiting a much more synthetic morphology than most dialects and a lexicon replete with unique coinages and loans from Melote, Arabic, Latin, Pashto, Daxian, Rumeli, Angeline, and Punthite tongues. Although studies of the worldwide Sea Coscivian community are too difficult to carry out, surveys of Sea Coscivians living ashore in Kiravia show that almost all are bilingual or multilingual. Many Sea Cosivians today speak Kiravic Coscivian or Austral Coscivian as their native language, and some of these second-language speakers may have only a limited command of Maritime Coscivian.

Sea Coscivians consider the sea their true home and show significant aversion to terrestrial life. Their traditional narratives describe the sea as a place of refuge from subjugation and oppression on dry land. Sea Coscivians have lived ashore in both modern and premodern times, though usually out of necessity. Even today, settled Sea Coscivian communities consider it improper, even detestable for an able-bodied man to live ashore full-time.

Sea Coscivians have had mixed relations with other Coscivians and with non-Coscivian groups they encounter. Historically, settled port and coastal dwellers throughout the Coscivian world have been distrustful of Sea Coscivians as secretive and seemingly rootless drifters with a reputation for criminality and general unpleasantness. According to reports by governmental organisations and human rights NGOs, people of Sea Coscivian origin still face employment, housing, and other forms of discrimination. They have low levels of engagement with formal institutions such as labour unions, religious congregations, banks, and governments compared to other Coscivian groups, and according to a study funded by the government of Valtéra State, they are the tuva most heavily involved in the and face social problems arising from their reliance on unstable and thinly regulated employment.

The Sea Coscivians are a segmental ethnic group divided into clans and lineages, and like all Coscivian peoples they are patrilineal and patrilocal. Generally speaking, the extended family or dóntra important to most terrestrial Coscivians plays little to no role in Sea Coscivian society. Beyond the nuclear family level, Sea Coscivian kinship is frequently, with individuals and families becoming ritually initiated into clans and lineages into which they were not born, the latter being a rare approximation of in Coscivian civilisation. Clan and lineage ties, as well as marital ones and godparentage, form the backbone of social, political, and business networks in the Sea Coscivian community. However, the most important Sea Coscivian social institution is the impruv or "crew". Aboard a vessel inhabited or staffed entirely by Sea Coscivians, all adults or all adult males are members of the impruv, and the impruv elects a kirstuv ("council") who elect the captain for the duration of the voyage. Sea Coscivians employed as crewmen on an ordinary vessel form their own impruv (though without a captain and usually without a kirstuv) at the outset of the voyage, in which all Sea Coscivians aboard are obligated by custom to participate. In shore-dwelling communities, the impruv is a permanent body representing the entire Sea Coscivian population of a settlement or urban neighbourhood. A code of customary law called the Law of the Sea prescribes the basic rules for how impruya and kirstuya are to operate. How the Law of the Sea is remembered and interpreted varies only slightly across clans and regions, which has allowed Sea Coscivians of different backgrounds to quickly, easily form impruya as needed, and to avoid conflict between different families sharing a vessel or living in close proximity ashore.

Religion among the Sea Coscivians is diverse and usually syncretic. Sea Coscivians typically combine ancient Coscivian selenolatry or "Lunar Monotheism" and ancestor worship with aspects of institutional world religions (namely Christianity and/or Islam) and miscellaneous other traditions, some of which are unique to Sea Coscivians or can be traced back to ancient religions of the Intheric Basin. In the words of one Kiravian anthropologist, "At the first sign of an approaching storm, a Sea Coscivian far from shore may turn in the direction of the Moon, prostrate himself in the, and pray for the intercession of ." Modern Sea Coscivians mostly report themselves as Christians, Sarostivists, or Muslims, though in practice this can manifest anywhere from the orthodox Levantine Catholicism of the Alevord lineage based in Bérasar to the form of "Islam" practiced by a small group of boat-dwelling Sea Coscivians in the Sea of Istorya, reported to be simple Moon-worship with Islamic trappings. Catholicism is the most common Christian denomination among Sea Coscivians, and the veneration of is extremely popular. A few prominent Sea Coscivian groupings in the Kilikas region are Mercantile Reform Protestant. Rumeli Islam and Shafi'i Sunnism are the main Islamic schools of thought.

The settled Sea Coscivian population is almost entirely urban, concentrated in and around major ports. Valēka has the largest population of Sea Coscivians in Kiravia (and presumably the world), officially numbering over 72,000. Tolôn has the second-largest Sea Coscivian population, followed by Saar-Silverda, Bérasar, Destransar, and Sirana.

Many Sea Coscivians who still live at sea lead a transnational existence, frequently travelling from country to country and spending a great deal of time on the beyond the formal jurisdiction of nation-states. Were it not for the principle of 'latent nationality' in Kiravian nationality law, a good share of Sea Coscivians would likely be. In modern times, it is increasingly difficult for undocumented Sea Coscivians to call at ports in developed countries. Although they are theoretically eligible for Kiravian National (Overseas) passports, some Sea Coscivians may be unable to produce sufficient documentary evidence of their claims to satisfy Kiravian consular officers, or otherwise unable to come up with the. Although Kiravian law recognises Sea Coscivians without ties to Kiravian territory as latent subjects of the Emperor, Kiravian authorities are nonetheless cautious about expanding their access to patent nationality.

Tropical Sea Coscivians
A distinct population of Sea Coscivians, the largest groups of Sea Coscivians who live permanently at sea, are found in the waters surrounding Vallos - the Kindreds Sea, Taínean Sea, Polynesian Sea, and St. Brendan's Strait. These Sea Coscivians have visible Polynesian (presumably Loa) and perhaps Vallote admixture, and have absorbed cultural, religious, and linguistic influences from such peoples.

Sedhan Coscivians
The Sedhans are a North Coscivian ethnic group who have played a pivotal role in Coscivian-Kiravian history. The origins of the Sedhans as a distinct culture lie in the lowlands just beyond the southern end of the Northwestern Shield in Éorsa, where the ancestors of the Sedhans arrived as a primitive farming society and absorbed the autocthonous P'tar people. Over time, these early agricultural settlements developed into a tribal network linked by blood ties, a common dialect, and a shared group identity. By the XYth century, the Sedhan polity had evolved into a confederation of chiefdoms and became a tributary of the Second Coscivian Empire. It was during this period that Sedhan élites began to adopt elements of Imperial Coscivian literary and material culture, as well as the Læstorian religion that spread across Northern Éorsa, which they syncretised with their existing practices of and ancestor-worship. However, the flowering of Sedhan artistic and cultural life that followed came under strain towards the end of the century as the Sedhan confederation found itself at the intersection of the expanding kingdoms of Skāda, Venska, and Korska, which shared common North Coscivian cultural traits with the Sedhans but had adopted more sophisticated methods of warfare and social organisation from the Coscivian Empire to the south. [Became marginalised communities under "foreign rule", adopted (heterodox) Christianity more readily than neighbouring peoples, migrated in large numbers to the coasts to fidn work as sailors and fishermen]

[Valēkas, Tandhurin, etc. and the Coscivian exploration of Ixnay. Founding of Valēka, establishment of a new Sedhan homeland in Kaviska]

Today, the ethnic Sedhan population is most heavily concentrated in upstate Kaviska, which the state government continues to recognise as a Sedhan homeland. In this region, known as Inosedhēdan or simply Sedhēdan, the Sedhans enjoy wide-ranging cultural autonomy. The Sedhan dialect of Kilikas-Valēkas Coscivian enjoys a privileged status as the primary language of local administration, education, and business; and there are a large number of periodicals and television and radio programmes in the area using that language. There are significant Sedhan populations in other parts of Kaviska, although they are much less visible in the multi-ethnic milieu of contemporary Valēka, Trár, Vander, and Evira. [Political influence and party]

Outside of Kaviska, Sedhan communities exist in Niyaska, eastern Etivéra, Arkvera, and the Punth colonies. Many Arnóriem and Candem Coscivians with long family histories on the island continent have Sedhan ancestry and surnames despite belonging to different ethnosocial groups and typically not speaking the Sedhan language.

Serradan Coscivians
The Serradem are a Coscivian ethnic group native to the Farravonian states of Cascada, Ilfenóra, and Metrea, as well as adjacent areas of Argévia and Venèra. Serradem heritage is rooted in the early Coscivian colonisation of Farravonia's central valleys and the concurrent missionary efforts led by the Society of Jesus in Farravonia. Serradem ethnic culture is the largest influence on the regional culture of Farravonia, and many Serradem customs have been adopted by Kiravians of other ethnic backgrounds who have migrated to the region over the centuries.

The Serradem trace their collective identity to the earliest Coscivians to settle in Farravonia's central valleys and the large number of Urom who converted to Catholicism during this period, though in reality the ethnic group has grown over the centuries through the assimilation of later waves of Coscivian immigrants. As such, there are many Serradem who have few or no ancestral links with the founding population. Most Serradem have varying degrees of Urom admixture, with some (especially in certain localities) being of mostly Urom descent and visibly Urom in appearance.

The Serradem are overwhelmingly Catholic, with the vast majority worshipping according to the Coscivian Rite. Catholic religious observance and the Catholic intellectual, artistic, and educational traditions are central to Serradem culture. There are minorities among the Serradem who have converted to Reformed Orthodoxy and Eastern Orthodoxy. Serradem who convert to Coscivian Orthodoxy generally become integrated into the Azuriem ethnic group.

The Serradem Coscivian language is similar to certain registers of Kiravic Coscivian in many respects, but with substantial differences is vocabulary, and non-trivial differences in phonology, prosody, and grammar. Some of these differences are due to the influence of and various local Urom languages. Most contemporary Serradem are bilingual in Kiravic, with many speaking both as their mother tongue. In Cascada, up to one-third of ethnic Serradem speak only Kiravic. However, intergenerational transmission of the Serradan language remains strong, and its use is vigorous in many areas, particularly rural areas and smaller cities and towns in the Rosary Belt where it is used as the primary language of everyday life. Serradan-language radio programming is available throughout Farravonia. Institutional support for the language is strongest in Ilfenóra, which publishes Serradan translations of all government documents and maintains many secondary schools using Serradan as the medium of instruction. There are a few small Catholic colleges in Ilfenóra that teach in Serradan, and the Government of Metrea has initiated a programme to introduce Serradan-language instruction in some community colleges. Many state universities and larger Catholic institutions in the region offer Serradan language and literature as a course of study.

As the largest and longest-established ethnic group in three important states, the Serradem are a politically influential demographic and are well-represented in Farravonian state governments and in federal politics. Because of their strong Catholic beliefs, Serradem are strong supporters of and  parties, and the Caritist Social Union relies on Serradem turnout to compete with the Shaftonist-Republican Alliance in Farravonian elections to the Federal Stanora. Many Serradem are also drawn to traditionalist conservative parties of a Catholic orientation affiliated with the Authentic Historical Caucus.

Trash Coscivians
The Trash Coscivians or Cosčavians are a social category or ethnoclass of low-income Coscivian-Kiravians who are viewed by other Coscivians as morally and intellectually deficient, undisciplined, and uncultured. Trash Coscivians are distinguished from other poor Coscivians, referred to by the middle classes as riśgakuya das esakir ( "poor with dignity" ), as being deficient in the standards of Coscivian society. Unlike most working-class Coscivians, especially those in the coountryside, who generally are or claim to be grounded in traditional folk culture, Trash Coscivians are seen as lacking any connection to either traditional folk culture or to. They are also distinguished from individual Coscivians of poor character in that their "trashiness" is seen as collective and endemic.

Some have analysed the concept of 'Trash Coscivians' as a post-liberalisation manifestation of the "perennial Coscivian urge to spatialise and ethnicise categories such as class, resulting in the segregation and cultural othering of marginalised groups," drawing parallels to the harsitem outcaste communities formed in the postclassical era, as well as to the hosyars or hereditary outlawry.

Behaviours and characteristics associated with Trash Coscivians include illegitimacy, drinking vodka, eating, living in a or decrepit Kirosocialist-style apartment block, functional illiteracy, petty criminality, cheap Western-style attire and a flashy or gaudy style of dress, crass consumerism, promiscuity, watching , and throwing spent liquor bottles at people and/or passing cars.

It is impossible to determine or reliably estimate the population of Trash Coscivians, due to the subjective nature and negative implications of the label. Only 438 people reported their ethnosocial background as Trash Coscivian or Cosčavian on the 21200 Kiravian Census, but this is not considered representative of the actual population. A study by anthropologists at the University of Belārus of twelve trailer parks and housing projects in Kastera, Kiorgia, Etivéra, and Hiterna identified as Trash Coscivian communities by neighbouring Coscivians found that residents of these communities tend to identify as members of the dominant "regional Coscivian" ethnic group of the surrounding area (e.g. Thaskirem in Kastera, Kiorgians in Kiorgia, Xusran Kir in Hiterna), even if their surnames reflected a different ethnic origin. Many also identified themselves as "Poor Coscivians". The study found that on average, people in these communities were considerably less knowledgeable about their own extended family, ethnic background, and genealogy than non-Trash Coscivians with comparable incomes from the same areas. Some sociology graduate fellows have reported, based on conversations with their coworkers at NoWaiter, that a cohesive Trash Coscivian self-identity has begun to emerge in recent years among youth, formulated and disseminated by the scene.

Many poor Coscivians living in areas with large Trash Coscivian populations embrace Coscivian nationalist politics in order to avoid being seen as Trash Coscivians. Trash Coscivians are also a feature of Coscivian nationalist rhetoric, presented as a cautionary example of and, such as in Delegate Devar Hytriloden's (CNC - Hiterna) speech to the Federal Stanora in 21205, where he said "Deprived of our enlightened and exceptional culture, we will all be Trash Coscivians, and deprived of our Coscivian roots, we will become simply trash."

Xorsyakav Coscivians
The Xorsyakav Coscivians are an ethnic group living mainly in Central Kirav, with significant populations in Etivéra, Cascada, Kaviska, Devahoma, and Atrassica. They are notable for their highly complex / language, which contains many ultra-conservative features thought to be inherited directly from Proto-Cosco-Adratic, as well as many unusual features for a Coscivian language, such as a large inventory of.

Aınarom
The Aınarom speak a Rulo-Swadeshi language.

Demarești
The Demarești are a one of the civilised (that is, non-tribal) non-Coscivian minorities native to Great Kirav. They claim descent from the ancient Ptheric people, but speak a language in the Northeast Kiravian family, distantly related to Eshavian. Despite sharing common roots with many Coscivian peoples, the Demarești developed a sophisticated independent civilisation during the Kiravian Bronze Age and maintained intermittent periods of independence from the Coscivian Empires until the reign of Emperor Trxell the Enormous; and they have maintained a distinctive culture and worldview quite different from those prevailing in Coscivian civilisation despite millennia of close contact and Coscivian social hegemony. They are the most economically prosperous and best-educated of the Kiravite Minority groups. The Demarești are highly urbanised, with around three quarters of their population living outside their traditional homeland in major metropolitan areas, most notably Greater Bérasar and the National Capital Region.

The Demarești have a complicated relationship with Coscivian-Kiravians and the Kiravian state. The King of Demarest is a tributary of the Marble Emperor; however, as noted by Luso-Captetian anthropologist Diogo de Chão, whereas other Kiravite Minority peoples have chosen to interpret or reïnterpret their tributary relationship with the Coscivian Emperor as an amical one and embrace narratives that affirm their cultural and institutional distinctiveness while stressing loyalty to and inclusion in the Kiravian polity, the Demarești harbour no such notions. While at the level of official Demarești institutions and ritual contacts with the Emperor all is cordial, among themselves the Demarești unambiguously understand their position as a conquered people paying tribute to their conquerors. Androë Foüȷeșca, an ethnic Demarești radio presenter who emigrated from the Kiravian Union to Ardmore in 1948 AD, quasi-famously said on-air after emigrating that Coscivians are "dangerously insane people whose collective derangement is intensified rather than moderated by increasing organisational sophistication," and subsequently doubled down after complaints from Coscivian listeners in New Ardmore, opining that Occidental governments should diplomatically isolate both the Kiravian Union and Kiravian Remnant "until they inevitably, and stressed that he considered himself "one of the more moderate and empathetic Demarești on this topic". Though perhaps hyperbolic, opinion research does seem to support the thesis that the average Demareștine's attitude toward the majority population lies somewhere on a specrtum between ambivalence and existential fear. Despite this, however, the Demarești overwhelmingly live in Coscivian-dominated major cities, excel in Coscivian-dominated eductional instiutions, and are grossly overrepresented in the Kiravian governmental bureaucracy. Both insiders and outsiders to the Demarești community have long viewed these apparent paradoxes as adaptive behaviours on the part of the Demarești to ensure their own cultural survival.

The Demarești folk religion has many elements in common with that of the Eshavians and Taństans, including the incorporation of Rurican practices conserved by Demarești women and Rotarionic practices conserved by Demarești men. The twelfth King of Demarest, Nomorobo the Righteous, is an important with a quasi-prophetic role in Demarești folk religion. The Demarești converted to Catholicism during the Third Evangelisation of Kirav, and are today primarily Latin-Rite Catholics with a small Protestant minority in Fariva.

The Demaric language, like others in the Northeastern family, has a nominative-accusative alignment (whereas most Kiravite languages are ergative-absolutive), with two. It is highly developed as a literary language, and Demarești writers have made a conscious effort to limit the influence of Coscivian literary culture on the lexicon, style, and diction of Demaric.

Rhūniks
The Rhūniks are a small-numbered and mysterious people with obscure origins, though their own oral tradition places their ancestral homeland somewhere in the High Arctic. They speak a and adhere to the Arctic Orthodox Church. The federal subjects with the largest Rhūnik populations are Lataskia, West Rhuon, Cascada, East Rhuon, Peśara, and Thýstara.

Salyar
The Salyar (Salyar: Сӑӑлярй) are an ethnic group living in Manaskan and neighbouring areas of southwestern Devahoma. They are a traditional, agrarian, and patriarchial people who form a rather insular society. Descended from the Indari people of Rhuon Island, the ancestors of the Salyar migrated to their current location on the Great Kiravian mainland during the 20570s as part of the Ētrebiktor or settlement of the Kiravian interior.

The Salyar language is written in a Cyrillic orthography developed by the Kirosocialist government in 21144. According to the 21200 Kiravian Census, 98% of ethnic Salyar speak the language, and 76% are completely monolingual. About 20% of Salyar are fluent in Kiravic. Salyari is used as the medium of instruction in a number of primary and intermediate schools in Salyar-populated localities, and in two rural consolidated secondary schools in Manaskan. During Kirosocialism, a technical school offering courses taught in Salyar was established in Manaskan's County Lāgervan. Very few Salyar pursue higher education, with most remaining part of the traditional economy.

Unlike most Coscivian communities in their general vicinity, the Salyar do not believe in xolkriśgir, and have no objection to colour photography. They are strictly endogamous, and on the rare occasion that a Salyar chooses to marry outside of the group (usually to a Coscivian), that person is expelled from the community and usually adopted into their spouse's ethnic group.

Qódavans
The Qódava (Qódavan: Ӄўдафъа) are an urom tribe currently living mainly in South-Central Great Kirav. They have a close linguistic and ancestral connexion to the Rifpito people. Numbering over four million, the Qódava are the largest Urom tribe by population. They are also the best-organised politically.

The Qódava people were united under a single recognised political entity until 21148. Today, 91% of enrolled Qódava are citizens of the Qódavan Central Authority. Most of the remainder are citizens of the Traditional Qódava Nation, and a few hundred are citizens of the Rifpito Nation. This bi- (or tri-)furcation is a result of the 21148 Qódava Revolution, which occured when socialist partisans supported by the national Kirosocialist Party seized control of the tribal government, removing clan chiefs and local elders from the political system and instead establishing a single-party state. Qódava who refused to recognise the new government's legitimacy organised as the Traditional Qódava Nation, which was granted federal recognition after the end of Kirosocialism in 21176 by Prime Executive Kólsylvar. The Qódavan Central Authority retains its single-party system of government and ideological commitment to socialism in the present day.

Some 61% of ethnic Qódava and 73% of Qódava living on tribal territory are speakers of the Qódava language. 82% of Qódavan-speakers are literate in Qódava, as a result of aggressive literacy promotion and linguistic protectionism on the part of the tribal government.

About half of Qódava living on tribal lands adhere exclusively to their people's traditional religion. About one third adhere to Christianity (primarily the Discipular Church) and one fifth are Muslim (predominantly Sunni). Off-reservation, a greater number of Qódava are Coscivian Orthodox, Eastern Orthodox, or Ibadhi Muslim.