Urcean socialist philosophy

Urcean socialist philosophy is the study of the different strains of thought in Urcea.

Marxism
Traditional readings of have been popular in small circles in Urcea since the establishment of his works in the mid 19th century. Marx's discussion of the described a system in which the feudal mode of production would give way to a capitalist mode followed by the creation of the socialist mode of production. Marx's view of the materialist progression, however, has caused divisions among Urcean Marxists since its inception; writing as a continental Sarpedonian, it was not clear to Marxists of the 19th century through today if this straight-forward model is applicable to Urcea. This fundamental disagreement lead to the division of Marxists within Urcea between the "Traditionalist Marxists" and the "Particular Marxists".

Traditionalist Marxists
Traditionalist Marxists in Urcea argue that Urcean society is merely in the capitalist mode of production with a mix of particular institutions that provide a public benefit but do not otherwise change its historical state. The traditionalists point out that a economy is still, largely, a  and that the means of production are still owned by private hands and serve the interests of private individuals. Mid-20th century Republican Party leader James Heoghair summarized this position with his well-repeated quote that "a large is still a bourgeoisie."

Particular Marxists
Particular Marxists argue that Urcea is a historical aberration within the materialist reading of history and that the conditions within Urcea - particularly the existence of the guild system, widespread ownership of the means of production and orientation towards social benefit - make Urcea something of a fusion of the feudal, capitalist, and socialist modes of production. Particularists accordingly believe that Urcea has its own particular mode of production which transcends the materialist history applicable to nearly all other societies. Most Particularists also believe that this mode of production will not become a socialist society merely based on the forces of history, essentially freezing the country in time. Views on the Urcean mode are split within this community, with "fatalists" accepting that it is a relatively benign, if inclined towards a socially oppressive State, that is the least bad option available. The "accommodationists" also believe the Urcean mode is perhaps more benevolent than the capitalist mode, but that it must be pushed past in order to end social oppression and reach a true socialist society. The "radicals" believe that the Urcean mode is a heinous exception to historical forces that has distorted socialism in order to further oppression, both economic and social, and that it must be destroyed.

Particularists generally fall into two political persuasions in response to the "problem" posed by the Urcean mode of production within historical materialism; "Electoralists" (more commonly referred to by the overarching tradition of Synodalism) and "Accelerationists".

Synodalism
The Synodalist faction, sometimes called "Urcean Mode Electoralists" argues that the Urcean mode of production does not create the immediate urgency for violent revolution and that it is the responsibility of Marxist socialists to work within the Government of Urcea to improve conditions and remove various means of social oppression while also using the authority of the state to create parallel non-state institutions under which social power may eventually be transitioned and a society be achieved. The majority of Electoralists believe that the Urcean mode can thus be peacefully transitioned - both by using State power and social organization - into a socialist society within the confines of Urcean norms, expectations, and the existing systems. Both the "fatalist" and "accommodationist" schools of thought of Particular Marxism are traditionally aligned with Synodalists. Synodalists have historically made up the large majority of all Urcean Marxists. A form of electoralism (without all Synodalist planks) have made up the platform of the Social Labor Party and its predecessor organizations. In terms of strategy, the Synodalists are usually inclined towards soliciting support from Organic or Wittonian socialists in order to acheieve victories in the political mainstream.

Capitalist Mode Accelerationists
The Accelerationist faction believes that the Urcean mode of production cannot transition into socialism by any means, especially peaceful electoral ones. Accelerationism, then, are the strategic and political form of most of the "radical" school of thought within Particular Marxism. They believe that the existing Urcean society and mode of production must be weakened and transitioned into a liberal-capitalist system which can later be subject to revolution. Accelerationists are more inclined to use secretive -style tactics and organizations. They historically have made up the minority of Particularists and are usually inclined to cynically support the liberalizing instincts of the National Pact and Crown Liberals.

Constitutional socialism
Beginning in the Red Interregnum, the growing trends of "institutional socialism" or "Constitutional socialism" as created in Veltorina became a popular alternative to traditionalist Marxist readings. The Veltorine model emphasized the need for an "institutional revolution" - a central State-Party organizing body responsible for the regular governance of the State and additionally responsible for bringing about revolutionary conditions which would establish the socialist mode of production in the future. Unlike -style revolutionaries, however, the institutional revolution is viewed as a "top-down" rather than "bottom-up" model, using the authority of the State to conform society to the conditions necessary to create the socialist mode of production while "safely shepherding" the people through the transition of capitalism by means of safe and strong social institutions similar to. Unlike both vanguardism and social democracy, this model permits only one legal party but a variety of civic-minded factions within the party.

Institutional socialism became popular both as an alternative to the FitzRexist "centralist liberal" model of social reform popular during the Red Interregnum but also as an intended answer to the question of the "Urcean mode of production", as the institutional revolution would be able to maintain helpful institutions and otherwise reform society with the authority of the State; the distinction of the Urcean mode would become meaningless as State authority could transition it into socialism without need for a sudden and violent revolution. Institutional socialism enjoyed short lived popularity within the Republican Party of Urcea following the failures of the Urcean Republic, but had fallen out of popularity by the 1910s as the institutional revolution in Veltorina transformed the nation from a socialist one to a semi- parliamentary democracy.

Organic and Wittonian socialism
Non-Marxist "right-wing" socialism - called "Crown socialism", "Organic socialism", and "Wittonian socialism" in its most recent strain - has had a long history in Urcea. Attempts to deliberately apply of organic thought were made almost immediately with the development of organic philosophy in the 18th century. In Urcea, multiple attempts at creating a political faction to oppose the dominant Crown Liberal National Pact throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries failed, beginning a long history of rivalry between the two ideologies within the Government of Urcea. Many of these early approaches were employed by reformed adherents of, and consequently failed to take root as a cohesive, distinct political ideology. Only during the Red Interregnum did a coherent political application of organic principles apart from absolutism emerge. The later portion of the rule of Gréagóir FitzRex saw a more coherent application of the principles of organicism within the political sphere. The newly formed Commonwealth Union began to espouse an organic position contra the legitimists, a position they maintained throughout the restoration. The initial NDP version of organic ideology largely excluded the monarchy as they viewed it as a necessary and organic institution, but one largely outside of and excluded from society. As the Second Great War approached, the NDP adopted more traditionally political positions, abandoning a coherent ideology.

Wittonian socialism
Wittonian Socialism is a political ideology in Urcea. Derived from various sources - primarily the policies of Michael Witte during his tenure as Procurator, the ideology has been described as the "application of the principles of organicism as a coherent political program and using the power of the state to bring about the ". For this reason, some Occidental sources - especially in Kiravia - refer to the ideology as Organic Socialism.

Michael Witte was elected to the Concilium Daoni in 1990 at the age of 30 along with what was called the "New Wave" of the Commonwealth Union, who began seeking a coherent alternative to the advancing policies of the National Pact. Witte, as a major leader of the New Wave, began to speak openly of what he called "social organicism", bringing about what he called the "common good society" with a series of policies emphasizing the value of "social collegiality with a paternalistic Royal framework" employing a welfare state model with a proactive labor market policy and a philosophy emphasizing the de-concentration and "democratization" of wealth while still in a setting of private property. In Witte's view, as in the traditional organicist view, the State and society were essentially indistinguishable, and consequently the state should, as much as possible, be responsible for resolving social ills, including the alienation of labor. As part of this policy, Witte believed in enhancing the power of the Guild system over firms and major corporations, as in the 1980s the National Pact crafted new laws exempting some large firms from the regulations of Guilds. Witte's key innovation was reconciling the National Democratic Party's traditional position with that of the monarchy, stating that the King - and his government - have a fatherly duty entrusted by God to protect his people from the effects of ruinous economic forces and social calamity. Upon his election as Procurator of Urcea in 2000, Witte began to implement his policies, including the creation of the King's Health Aid program among other major economic changes. The term "Wittonian socialism" originated as a derogatory term among Witte's National Pact opponents which was soon embraced by Witte and other allies within the party, including James Cossus Reed.