Estado Social (Rumahoki): Difference between revisions

The '''''Estado Social''''' ("New State") was the {{wp|corporatism|corporatist}} [[Rosaria|Rosarian]] and, from 1976, [[Delepasian Commonwealth|Delepasian]] state installed in 1938. It evolved from the ''[[Dictadura Perfecta]]'' ("Perfect Dictatorship") formed after the [[14 July 1919 coup d'état|''coup d'état'' of 14 July 1919]] against the unstable [[Rosarian Republic|First Rosarian Republic]]. Together, the ''Dictadura Perfecta'' and the ''Estado Social'' are recognised by historians as the '''Second Rosarian Republic'' ([[Pelaxian language|Pelaxian]]: ''Segunda República Rosariana''). The ''Estado Social'', being greatly inspired by {{wp|conservatism}} and {{wp|autocracy|autocratic}} ideologies, was developed by [[Fernando Pascual]], who was the [[Prime Minister of Rosaria]] from 1933, and [[Prime Minister of Delepasia]] from 1976, until illness forced him out of office in 1988.

Greatly opposed to the ideologies of {{wp|communism}}, {{wp|socialism}}, {{wp|syndicalism}}, {{wp|anarchism}}, {{wp|liberalism}}, and anti-Levantism, the regime was conservative, {{wp|corporatism|corporatist}}, {{wp|nationalism|nationalist}}, and [[Delepasian exceptionalism|exceptionalistic]] in nature, defending [[Religion in Rumahoki|Rosaria's, and eventually Delepasia's, traditional Catholicism]]. It policy envisaged the perpetuation of the [[Delepasians|Delepasian]] people being the most "civilised" and thus was the supposed source of civility to all of [[Vallos]] in general, and to the [[Loa people|Loa]] in particular since 1976 and the integration of the [[Navidadian System]], an idea which dates back to the early 20th Century as the [[Delepasian Kingdom]] became highly romanticised. To that end, Rosaria generally sought relations with its fellow Delepasian polities, the fruits of which being the eventual [[Pact of Eighteen]].

Rosaria, like all other Delepasian polities, was a member of the [[Levantia and Odoneru Treaty Association]] (LOTA) since its founding, and thus was involved in the [[Second Great War]] on the side of the [[Levantia|Levantines]], and was a founding member of the [[League of Nations]] since its formation in 1955. As Delepasia, the ''Estado Social'' regime was well on its way towards becoming an observer state of the [[Vallosian Economic Association|VEA]] by 1987. In 1988, [[Nicolas Torres]] was appointed prime minister, replacing an aged and debilitated Pascual; he continued to pave the way towards economic integration with Vallos and a higher level of economic liberalisation in the country, achieving the signing of an important free-trade agreement with the VEA in 1992.

From 1976 until Pascual's death in 1990, Delepasia under the ''Estado Social'' saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 6.9 per cent. Despite the remarkable economic growth, and economic convergence, by the fall of the ''Estado Social'' in 1994, Delepasia still had the lowest per capita income and the lowest literacy rate in Vallos (although this also remained true following the fall, and continued until the 2000s). On 30 April 1994, the [[Velvet Revolution]] in [[Santa Maria]], a military coup organised by left-wing Delepasian military officers – the [[Democratic Revival Society]] (SDR) – led to the end of the ''Estado Social'' and the Delepasian Commonwealth.

Since the turn of the 19th Century, there was a growing national sentiment amongst the populace of the [[Viceroyalty of Los Rumas]]. For about three centuries, many of the viceroyalty's colonists saw themselves as one of two groups: [[Pelaxians]] or Mestizos. The former living near coastal areas, and the latter further inland. The rise of a Delepasian identity began when author [[Juan Guerrero]] wrote in 1797: "''Hace trescientos años, el intrépido héroe Mauricio Delepas plantó la bandera de Pelaxia en el hermoso dominio de Delepasia. Nosotros, los delepasianos, deberíamos desarrollar una identidad separada de Pelaxia, una identidad en la que abracemos la única fe verdadera sin importar si nuestros antepasados fueron pelaxianos, cartadanianos, latinos o los Vallosi, mitificados durante mucho tiempo.''" ("Three hundred years ago, the dauntless hero Mauricio Delepas planted Pelaxia's flag on Delepasia's fair domain. We Delepasians ought to develop an identity separate from Pelaxia, an identity where we embrace the one true faith without regard towards whether our forefathers were Pelaxian, Cartadanian, Latins, or the long-mythologised Vallosi.").

One of these new Delepasian polities was the [[Rosarian Republic|First Rosarian Republic]], which was proclaimed as a republic in 1853 after a short-lived attempt at establishing a [[Kingdom of Rosaria|monarchy]] the year prior under the rule of a cadet branch of the House of Girojón, only for King Luciano II, the last king of [[Pelaxia]], forbade any member of the former royal house from ever ruling over a Delepasian polity, he having come to hate the [[Delepasians]] thanks to the highly turbulent Delepasian Kingdom. This new republic quickly fell into a decades-long struggle to sustain the fragile parliamentary democracy under republicanism from 1853 until 1919. During this period of chaos, Rosaria went through 176 presidents between the years 1876 and 1919, and 512 prime ministers in that same time period.

The 14 July 1919 ''coup d'état'' or, during the period of ''Estado Social'', the National Revolution ([[Pelaxian language|Pelaxian]]: ''Revolución Nacional''), was a military action that put an end to the chaotic First Rosarian Republic and initiated the ''Dictadura Militar'' (Military Dictatorship) which in 1921 transitioned into the ''[[Dictadura Perfecta]]'' (Perfect Dictatorship). Pasqual became Prime Minister in 1935, and in 1938 renamed it as the ''Estado Social'' (Social State), defining Rosaria as a corporative, single-party and pan-Vallosi country.

With {{wp|fascism|fascist}} organisations being popular and widely supported across many countries (like [[Galdo Bertocca|Bertocca]]'s [[Caphiric Fascism]] and {{wp|Falangism}}) as an {{wp|anti-communism|antagonist}} of {{wp|communism|communist}} ideologies, [[Fernando Pascual]] developed the ''Estado Social'', which can be described as a right-leaning {{wp|corporatism|corporatist}} government. The basis of his regime was a platform of stability, in direct contrast to the unstable environment of the [[Rosarian Republic|First Rosarian Republic]].

According to some Rumahokian scholars like [[Jaime Valentin]] and Luis Estevez, his early reforms and policies changed the whole nation by permitting political and financial stability and therefore a calm {{wp|social order}} and {{wp|economic growth}}, after the politically unstable and financially chaotic years of the [[Rosarian Republic|First Rosarian Republic]] (1853-1919). Following the First Republic, when not even public order had been achieved, this looked like an impressive breakthrough to most of the population; at this point, Pascual Salazar achieved the height of his popularity. This transformation of Rosaria was then known as ''La lección de Pascual'' – "Pascual's Lesson". Pascual's programme was opposed to {{wp|communism}}, {{wp|socialism}}, and {{wp|liberalism}}. It was pro-[[Catholic Church|Catholic]], {{wp|conservatism|conservative}}, {{wp|nationalism|nationalistic}}, and [[Delepasian exceptionalism|exceptionalistic]]. Its policy envisaged the perpetuation of the [[Delepasians|Delepasian]] people being the most "civilised" and thus was the supposed source of civility to all of [[Vallos]] in general, financially autonomous and politically-aligned with the [[Levantia|Levantines]], and a {{wp|civilising mission|source of civilisation and stability to all the nations in Vallos}}.

The ''Estado Social'' based its political philosophy around a close interpretation of the {{wp|Catholic social doctrine}}, a relatively new idea to the Vallosi subcontinent. The economic system, known as {{wp|corporatism}}, was based on similar interpretations of two papal encyclicals which were used as the basis for this economic theory. Corporatism was designed to prevent class struggle and transform economic concerns secondary to social values. Labour associations were seen by the Church as part of the natural order, like the family. The right of men to organize into trade unions and to engage in labour activities was thus inherent and could not be denied by employers or the state. These encyclicals provided the needed {{wp|blueprint}} for the erection of the corporatist system.

A new constitution was drafted by a group of lawyers, businessmen, clerics, and university professors, with Pascual as the leading spirit and [[Gregorio Valdez]] also playing a major role. The constitution created the ''Estado Social'' ("Social State"), in theory a corporatist state representing interest groups rather than individuals. The leaders wanted a system in which the people would be represented through corporations, rather than through divisive parties, and where national interest was given priority over sectional claims. Pasqual thought that the liberal party system had failed irretrievably in Rosario and thus he advocated for [[organicism]] as an acceptable alternative.

Unlike Bertocca and [[Diego Hernandez]], who was the leader of the [[National Falangist Party]], Pascual never had the intention to create a party-state. Pascual was against the whole-party concept and in 1935 he created the [[National Renewal Party]] initially as a single-party, but he created it as a non-party. The National Renewal Party was set up to control and restrain public opinion rather than to mobilize it; the goal was to strengthen and preserve traditional values rather than to induce a new social order. Ministers, diplomats, and civil servants were never compelled to join the National Renewal Party.

According to Michael Breen, "The men who came to power in the Estado Social were genuinely concerned with the poverty and backwardness of their nation, divorcing themselves from non-Levantine political influences while developing a new indigenous political model and alleviating the miserable living conditions of both rural and urban poor."

The new constitution introduced by Pascual established an anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian government that would last until 1976 when it was replaced by a similar constitution which enshrined the [[Navidadian System]] that lasted until 1994. The president was to be elected by popular vote for a period of seven years. On paper, the new document vested sweeping, almost dictatorial powers in the hands of the president, including the power to appoint and dismiss the prime minister. The president was elevated to a position of preeminence as the "balance wheel", the defender and ultimate arbiter of national politics. President Santa Anna, however, had allowed Pascual more or less a free hand since appointing him prime minister and continued to do so. Santa Anna and his successors would largely be figureheads as Pascual wielded the true power. Breen argued that Pascual achieved his position of power not just because of constitutional stipulations, but also because of his character: domineering, absolutist, ambitious, hardworking, and intellectually brilliant.

The corporatist constitution was approved in the national [[1938 Rosarian constitutional referendum|Rosarian constitutional referendum]] of 12 June 1938. A draft had been published one year before, and the public was invited to state any objections in the press. These tended to stay in the realm of generalities and only a handful of people, less than 6,000, voted against the new constitution. The new constitution was approved with 99.5% of the vote, but with 488,840 abstentions (in a registered electorate of 1,029,042) counting as "yes". Thomas Taylor points out that the large number of abstentions might be attributable to the fact that voters were presented with a package deal to which they had to say "yes" or "no" with no opportunity to accept one clause and reject another. In this referendum, women were allowed to vote for the first time in Rosaria. Their right to vote had not been obtained during the First Rosarian Republic, despite feminist efforts, and even in the referendum vote, secondary education was a requirement for female voters, whereas males only needed to be able to read and write. The right for women to vote was later broadened twice under the ''Estado Social''. The first time was in 1944 and the second time in 1988 under [[Nicolas Torres]], law 2137 proclaimed the equality of men and women for electoral purposes. The 1988 electoral law did not make any distinction between men and women.

The year 1938 marked a watershed of legislation in Rosarian history. Under Pascual's supervision, Tomas Carranza, the Sub-Secretary of State of Corporations and Social Welfare, reporting directly to Pascual, enacted extensive legislation that shaped the corporatist structure and initiated a comprehensive social welfare system. This system was equally anti-capitalist and anti-socialist. The corporatization of the working class was accompanied by strict legislation regulating business. Workers' organizations were subordinated to state control but granted a legitimacy that they had never before enjoyed and were made beneficiaries of a variety of new social programs. Nevertheless, it is important to note that even in the enthusiastic early years, corporatist agencies were not at the center of power and therefore corporatism was not the true base of the whole system.

In 1936, Rosario crushed the Rosarian fascist movements and exiled Diego Hernandez as a part of a purge of the leadership of the [[National Falangist Party]], also known as the ''camisas plateadas'' ("Silver Shirts"). Pascual denounced the National Falangists as "inspired by certain foreign models" and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organizing masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the ''Estado Social''. Pascual's own party, the [[National Renewal Party]], was formed as a subservient umbrella organization to support the regime itself, and therefore did not have its own philosophy. At the time, there was a legitimate fear in the [[Occident]] of the destructive potential of communism. Many members of the National Falangist Party eventually joined the National Renewal Party. One overriding criticism of his regime is that stability was bought and maintained at the expense of suppression of human rights and liberties.

The corporatist state had some similarities to [[Galdo Bertocca]]'s [[Caphiria|Caphiric]] fascism, but considerable differences in its moral approach to governing. Although Pascual admired Bertocca and was influenced by his political charters and theories, Pascual distanced himself from fascist regimes in general, which he considered a pagan {{wp|Caesarist}} political system that recognized neither legal nor moral limits.

 

Pascual also viewed Rosarian Falangism as espousing pagan elements that he considered repugnant. Just before the [[Second Great War]], Pascual made this declaration: "We are opposed to all forms of Internationalism, Communism, Socialism, Syndicalism and everything that may divide or minimize, or break up the family. We are against class warfare, irreligion and disloyalty to one's country; against serfdom, a materialistic conception of life, and might over right." however the ''Estado Social'' adopted many characteristics of fascism, most notably with the economic policies of the {{wp|corporatism}}; after the end of the Second Great War, Pascual distanced his regime from fascism.

As a member [[Levantia and Odoneru Treaty Association]] (LOTA) since its founding, the ''Estado Social'' regime, like the other Delepasian polities, was on the side of LOTA.

After the Second Great War (1934-1943), however, the corporatist economic model was less and less applicable. The ''Estado Social'' regime became also a source of criticism and dissent by most of the international community. Nevertheless, Pascual clung to it, thereby slowing the nation's long-term economic development. Pascual's postwar policy allowed some liberalization in politics, in terms of organized opposition with more freedom of the press. Opposition parties were tolerated to an extent, but they were also controlled, limited, and manipulated, with the result that they split into factions and never formed a united opposition. He created two additional "government-approved" parties (the [[Democratic Revitalisation Party]] and the [[Popular Reform Party]]) which would collectively win one-third of the Rosarian legislature. He also permitted the formation of the the [[Coalition of Independent Democrats]] (CDI) in 1944. It boycotted the [[1944 Rosarian legislative election|election]] and Pascual won handily on 18 November 1944, with CDI soon splitting into three opposition parties: the {{wp|left-wing}} [[Social Democratic Commission]] (CSD), the {{wp|right-wing}} People's National Action (ANP), and the new CDI. In 1949, President [[Isador de Santa Anna]] died in 1949 after 30 years in office and was succeeded by [[Jaime Trastamara]]. However, Trastamara was not willing to give Pascual the free hand that Santa Anna had given him, and was forced to resign just before the end of his term in 1956. Naval Minister [[Francisco de Costa]], a staunch conservative, ran in that year's election as the official candidate. He won handily. Fearing that a rogue candidate could try an win an election, Pascual abolished the direct election of presidents in favour of election by the National Assembly—which was firmly controlled by the regime—serving as an {{wp|electoral college}}.

With an Emperor elected, the government of Delepasia could finally move on to other matters. By the early 1980s, the ''Estado Social'' saw the rise of younger technocrats with a background in economics and technical-industrial expertise who wished to foster the fledgling nation's economy with the idea being that Delepasia must become an attractive country for international investment. This led to the development of industries designed to grow the economy and to catch up with the [[Vallosian Economic Association]]'s average which Delepasia would use as a benchmark to determine which sectors should be focused upon the most. It was during this time that Delepasia began to enter into free trade agreements with its neighbours and trading to realms beyond Vallos, with plans being set in motion to open up select sectors to foreign firms. Pascual seemed to have developed a more outward-looking economic policy after decades of economic isolation. Foreign trade had increased by 64 per cent in exports, and 53 per cent in imports. In the years between 1980 and 1993, total output (GDP at factor cost) saw a 120 per cent growth in real terms, with an unparalleled robust annual growth rate in GDP by 6.9 per cent, in industrial production by nine per cent, in consumption by 6.5 per cent, and in gross fixed capital formation by 7.8 per cent.

However, Delepasia's economic growth could have been larger if not for the fact that the nation's armed forces was engaged in the immensely costly [[Loaland campaigns]] in [[Navidadia]]. In late 1979, guerrilla movements have emerged in the internal protectorate of [[Loaland protectorate|Loalan]] that aimed at liberating the Loa from what was then over a century of living under the sectarian [[Navidadian System]]. Fighting these numerous groups for several years would soon prove to be enormously draining for the poor, increasingly backwater nation in terms of labour and financial resources at a time when it was trying to strive to economic growth. This fact became ever more burdensome after the end of the [[Occidental Cold War]] in 1984, and Delepasia would become diplomatically isolated now that there was no need for what was quickly becoming an aged and increasingly senile regime.

In 1988, just one month before his 99th birthday, Fernando Pascual suffered a {{wp|haemorrhagic stroke}}. After the incident, Pascual's life initially went on normally until two weeks later when he fell into a coma. With Pascual incapacitated, Commander-in-Chief [[Francisco de Costa]] considered that the prime minister was not long for this world and so dismissed Pascual and replaced him with [[Nicolas Torres]]. Amazingly, Pascual managed to live for a couple more years, having unexpectedly regained full lucidity despite his advanced age. He would die on 28 September 1990 at the age of 101, believing that he was still the Delepasian prime minister up to that point.

Nicolas Torres was chosen by de Costa and the Privy Council to succeed Pascual. Although initially a protégé of Pascual, Torres began his tenure by attempting to modernise and liberalise the old Pascualist system. However, Francisco de Costa, who previously had allowed Pascual to do as he pleased as prime minister, was not so willing to give Torres the same leeway, and so he, alongside senior officers of the armed forces, and the heads of some of the country's most powerful ''[[gransindinales]]'', established "the stronghold" which represented the interests of the old-school Pascualists who opposed Torres's reforms, and thus any attempt to reform the regime would be met with the overthrow and replacement of Torres. Torres quickly became indecisive and thus the very people who hoped for reform began to turn against him, the most notable of these instances was the emergence of the [[Rumapunk subculture]] in the name of open defiance against the regime, though this had failed to inspire the mass demonstrations they had hoped for.

However, it was during this time that a sense began to grow among all groups—the armed forces, the opposition, and liberals within the regime—the sense that the only way to effectively liberalise the regime and to ensure that the nation will make it to the year 2000 was through a revolution. This sense of revolution was further fanned by the number of growing tensions on the political and social scene.