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===Post Caliphate Period (860-1400)=== | ===Post Caliphate Period (860-1400)=== | ||
====Border skirmishes==== | ====Border skirmishes==== | ||
[[File:Battle-of-Taraz.jpg|thumb|Ancient Chen dynasty mural depicting the Battle of Taraz against the Lakdu Sultanate]] | |||
After the loss of control by the [[Oduniyyad Caliphate]] by the year 860, the territory of modern Rusana was divided in three independent kingdoms at the time: Lakdu in the southwest, Ghanim in the east and Al-Zawad in the north; Ghanim being the closest to [[Daxia]]. Relations between these Oduniyyad successor states and the empire was fractious, with the [[Daxia]]ns never forgetting the Muslim invasions in the name of spreading their religion. In 870 the Chen court made the determination to send forces into Ghanim to destroy the remnants of the Shang dynasty that had taken refuge there, and if feasible and practical, to force the kingdom of Ghanim to become a tributary and buffer state. General Qu Hou; a veteran of the last Oduniyyad jihad, was given command of the army and advanced into Ghanim's territory at the head of forty thousand men and six thousand Degei auxiliary cavalry, pursuing an estimated twenty thousand Shang loyalists under General Bi Liao. Too outnumbered to stand his ground, Bi Liao sought to evade battle at every turn and sent messengers to the local ruler asking for support. Bi Liao's messengers painted Qu Hou's incursion as an invasion aimed at Ghanim rather than a punitive expedition solely aimed at the Shang remnants. Seeing the sizable Chen army continue to make its way westward, King Farukh agreed to join forces with the Shang to oppose it. Farukh mustered thirteen thousand men, consisting mostly of lightly armored footmen with the exception of the kings own fifteen hundred strong infantry bodyguard clad in heavy lamellar mail. He also brought forth twenty war elephants he had bought from [[Pukhgundi]]. The joint Ghanim-Shang force moved to intercept Qu Hou's army and the two forces came into contact at the Battle of Horoz Plain. | After the loss of control by the [[Oduniyyad Caliphate]] by the year 860, the territory of modern Rusana was divided in three independent kingdoms at the time: Lakdu in the southwest, Ghanim in the east and Al-Zawad in the north; Ghanim being the closest to [[Daxia]]. Relations between these Oduniyyad successor states and the empire was fractious, with the [[Daxia]]ns never forgetting the Muslim invasions in the name of spreading their religion. In 870 the Chen court made the determination to send forces into Ghanim to destroy the remnants of the Shang dynasty that had taken refuge there, and if feasible and practical, to force the kingdom of Ghanim to become a tributary and buffer state. General Qu Hou; a veteran of the last Oduniyyad jihad, was given command of the army and advanced into Ghanim's territory at the head of forty thousand men and six thousand Degei auxiliary cavalry, pursuing an estimated twenty thousand Shang loyalists under General Bi Liao. Too outnumbered to stand his ground, Bi Liao sought to evade battle at every turn and sent messengers to the local ruler asking for support. Bi Liao's messengers painted Qu Hou's incursion as an invasion aimed at Ghanim rather than a punitive expedition solely aimed at the Shang remnants. Seeing the sizable Chen army continue to make its way westward, King Farukh agreed to join forces with the Shang to oppose it. Farukh mustered thirteen thousand men, consisting mostly of lightly armored footmen with the exception of the kings own fifteen hundred strong infantry bodyguard clad in heavy lamellar mail. He also brought forth twenty war elephants he had bought from [[Pukhgundi]]. The joint Ghanim-Shang force moved to intercept Qu Hou's army and the two forces came into contact at the Battle of Horoz Plain. | ||
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Emboldened by the victory at Horoz, the Chen dynasty initiated an invasion of Al-Zawad intending to gain the southern shore of lake Doyeon. As the Chen marched south in the direction of Al-Zawad's heartland, their enemy divided its forces into three separate armies, refusing to engage general Qu Hou's larger army in the open. After reducing several fortresses in late 861, Qu Hou marched on the Al-Zawad capital. The main Al-Zawadid army finally stood in his way to give battle at the village of Pasdar but unbeknownst to Qu Hou his army was being flanked from the east and the west by the other two formations. The initial battle went in favor of the larger Chen army but as it was close to overwhelming the Al-Zawadid infantry the auxiliary armies initiated their attack from the rear and eastern flank. The morale of the Chen collapsed upon being close to encirclement and a rout soon initiated. Qu Hou broke free of the trap with a few hundred horsemen and fled north while the bulk of the Chen infantry tried to flee west, only to get bogged down and picked off in the marshes. The defeat at the battle of Pasdar ended the Al-Zawad expedition and dented Chen military prestige altough Ghanim's own weakened position at the time precluded it taking advantage to throw off its vassal status. | Emboldened by the victory at Horoz, the Chen dynasty initiated an invasion of Al-Zawad intending to gain the southern shore of lake Doyeon. As the Chen marched south in the direction of Al-Zawad's heartland, their enemy divided its forces into three separate armies, refusing to engage general Qu Hou's larger army in the open. After reducing several fortresses in late 861, Qu Hou marched on the Al-Zawad capital. The main Al-Zawadid army finally stood in his way to give battle at the village of Pasdar but unbeknownst to Qu Hou his army was being flanked from the east and the west by the other two formations. The initial battle went in favor of the larger Chen army but as it was close to overwhelming the Al-Zawadid infantry the auxiliary armies initiated their attack from the rear and eastern flank. The morale of the Chen collapsed upon being close to encirclement and a rout soon initiated. Qu Hou broke free of the trap with a few hundred horsemen and fled north while the bulk of the Chen infantry tried to flee west, only to get bogged down and picked off in the marshes. The defeat at the battle of Pasdar ended the Al-Zawad expedition and dented Chen military prestige altough Ghanim's own weakened position at the time precluded it taking advantage to throw off its vassal status. | ||
====Fragmentation into taifas==== | ====Fragmentation into taifas==== | ||
The constant warring during the 13th century accompanied by the financial burdens upon the central treasuries, the decrease in manpower for the civilian economy and agriculture left the Muslim states on the western border of the new [[Daxia|Zhong dynasty]] in a vulnerable position. Discontent with the ruling families both from within and outside grew exponentially. Lakdu's royal family, the Menguzid dynasty, were overthrown in a palace coup by Vizier Rukh Al-Din with support of the army only for the army to split later, engendering a civil war to restore the Menguzids to the throne. Al-Zawad saw the emergence of a Shia prophet who styled himself as the Chakosh Khodaa (Hammer of God), he raised a massive peasant rebellion that straddled the usual Sunni-Shia religious divide and used it to cast down the Ferguzids and installed a theocratic regime that lasted 8 years before collapsing to infighting. Amidst all this upheaval, local grandees such as Beys, emirs and regional military commanders began pulling away from weakened central authorities, withholding taxes and assistance. Even after a tentative restoration of the Menguzid family in 1325, the dynasty's actual control only extended to five cities outside of the capital and local rulers disputed the Menguzid claim to the title of sultan. After the Chakosh Khodaa's death, nine of his disciples declared themselves variously as successor prophets, caliphs or ayatollahs and fought fierce battles against one another resulting in the permanent fragmentation of Al Zawad. | [[File:Gate_of_the_Justice,_Alhambra_01.JPG|thumb|Gate of Justice of the Dofzul palace, main residence of the Menguzid rulers]] | ||
The constant warring during the 13th century accompanied by the financial burdens upon the central treasuries, the decrease in manpower for the civilian economy and agriculture left the Muslim states on the western border of the new [[Daxia|Zhong dynasty]] in a vulnerable position. Discontent with the ruling families both from within and outside grew exponentially. Lakdu's royal family, the Menguzid dynasty, were overthrown in a palace coup by Vizier Rukh Al-Din with support of the army only for the army to split later, engendering a civil war to restore the Menguzids to the throne. Al-Zawad saw the emergence of a Shia prophet who styled himself as the Chakosh Khodaa (Hammer of God), he raised a massive peasant rebellion that straddled the usual Sunni-Shia religious divide and used it to cast down the Ferguzids and installed a theocratic regime that lasted 8 years before collapsing to infighting. Amidst all this upheaval, local grandees such as Beys, emirs and regional military commanders began pulling away from weakened central authorities, withholding taxes and assistance. Even after a tentative restoration of the Menguzid family in 1325, the dynasty's actual control only extended to five cities outside of the capital and local rulers disputed the Menguzid claim to the title of sultan. After the Chakosh Khodaa's death, nine of his disciples declared themselves variously as successor prophets, caliphs or ayatollahs and fought fierce battles against one another resulting in the permanent fragmentation of Al Zawad by 1258. | |||
Taifa was a local administrative unit used for taxation during the Oduniyyad period, usually an area with between 200 and 500 households was considered a taifa. By the middle of the 13th century the former sultanate of Al-Zawad had devolved into some 26 independent taifas and Lakdu was likewise divided into seven great taifas. | Taifa was a local administrative unit used for taxation during the Oduniyyad period, usually an area with between 200 and 500 households was considered a taifa. By the middle of the 13th century the former sultanate of Al-Zawad had devolved into some 26 independent taifas and Lakdu was likewise divided into seven great taifas. Individually the disparate taifas were weak and they began falling under the influence of the Zhong court, Emperor [[Chengzi]] was interested in keeping his western borders safe by having stable yet weak neighbors. The [[Daxia]]ns did not look upon the rulers of the taifas as equals, any agreement made with them was seen as temporary. At times the Zhong directly supported specific taifas, during 1320 they helped Emir Mawlana of the Bagudids attack and conquer the Gorzifon taifa which had raised tariffs on [[Daxia]]n pottery; Mawlana's grandson Ali would be unseated years later for failing to submit his tribute on time. The Zhong dynasty showed little interest or inclination to advance territorially beyond the Arik mountain range, neither did it wish to rule over vast numbers of Muslims. Therefore the policy of Zhong officials was to divide and conquer of the taifas, only striking if one taifa became too powerful. The policy of careful balance continued in place for the rest of the Zhong dynasty; it was discarded with the arrival of the expansionist Qian dynasty in 1550. | ||
====Daxian Viceroyalties period==== | ====Daxian Viceroyalties period==== | ||
[[File:15.jpg|thumb|Melnek al-Badri, Imperial Viceroy of Ghanim]] | |||
The Qian decided to completely overhaul the approach to the taifas almost from the get-go. Emperor Canren forcibly unseated his vassal, the emir of the taifa of Ghanim and appointed in his place an [[Imperial Viceroy(Daxia)|Imperial Viceroy]]. [[Dianshi Pingmu]] was a court favorite of Canren who served as Imperial Stool Groom for many years, he was also a [[Dwarfism in Daxia|dwarf]]. The alarming maneuver by the Qian had the effect of frightening seventeen taifas into calling for a council of Muslim rulers at which a military pact was agreed, they would remain in arms until such a time as the Qian dynasty was expelled from all Muslim land and was unable to keep meddling in their affairs. Upon learning of this development, [[Dianshi Pingmu]] called upon his master to send relief, starting the [[War of the Dwarf]]. The war went well for the Muslim coalition at first, they overran Ghanim and forced Pingmu to flee to the mountain passes, namely the Tie Chutou fortress. From here Pingmu's limited forces were able to stop the Muslim army on its tracks by a combination of the elevation, difficult terrain and strong fortifications. | |||
Fresh of destroying the last armies of the dying Zhong dynasty, the Qian relief army pushed the Muslims back from the passes in 1553 and went in the offensive in the spring of 1554, dealing several blows to the coalition and forcing several taifas to either abandon the fight or outright switch sides. The war carried on amongst great brutality by the Qian, who held great antipathy for Islam, many cities were razed to the ground for refusing to surrender or give supplies to the Qian armies and mosques were desecrated. By 1556 the taifas were exhausted in both resources and men and the people were despondent of victory, at which point they engaged in negotiations with [[Dianshi Pingmu]]. The compact that ended the war included generous provisions for the respect of religious diversity, reconstruction of mosques and cities, payment of pensions to the ruling families (both those that rebelled and those who defected) in exchange for the acceptance of rule by [[Imperial Viceroy(Daxia)|Imperial Viceroys]] appointed by the Qian emperor. In the event [[Dianshi Pingmu]] only ruled for four years before being assassinated, Emperor Canren chose as his replacement Melnek al-Badri, a Muslim eunuch who was seen with less hostility than his predecessor. | |||
The Viceroyalties of the west were granted a high degree of autonomy to conduct their affairs without interference from the imperial center. Over time the initial viceroys began to build hereditary structures of their own, a movement that was halted in 1712 when it was dictated that the Viceroys would be picked from among the ranks of imperial eunuchs. Many imperial dwarfs and eunuchs considered the position of Imperial Viceroy as the capstone to their careers and the gate to a generous retirement, the [[Master of Tongues]] was an office that was seen as the final stepping stone before being appointed. The nature of [[Daxia]]n rule was always delicate in nature, disagreements between authorities and local Muslim grandees always carried the risk of devolving into religious strife and resistance, religious muftis appointed by a Viceroy were known to turn against the 'infidels' over very minor incidents. Qian policies regarding its dependencies was primarily driven by monetary concerns and sometimes excessive taxes were levied on the territories, in addition many Viceroys were appointed to their postings by giving out large bribes, which they sought to recoup at once by engaging in the grossest of corruption. The system of Viceroyalties would come crashing down during the [[Second Great War]] as the Qian dynasty was in need of most of its armed forces to fight on overseas fronts, leaving only small garrisons to watch over the west. Discontent boiled over and sensing an opportunity to break free, the Muslim population initiated a guerrilla war against the rule of the Qian Viceroy's. Under pressure from numerous fronts, the Qian acceded to withdraw from the Viceroyalties while secretly hoping to reassert control after the war ended, a hope dashed by the collapse of the Qian dynasty. The liberation forces quickly declared the re-establishment of the ancient emirates of Ghanim, Lakdu and Zawadia. | |||
===Modern Era=== | ===Modern Era=== | ||
====Unification and | ====Unification and civil war==== | ||
Main article: [[Rusani Civil War]] | |||
Starting in 1946 popular unrest, communal and religious violence and persistent drought led to the eruption of violent revolts against the monarchies of Ghanim, Lakdu and Zawadia. An underground organization called the Unity Party that advocated the overthrow of the royal families and the unification of all the former Odduniyad wilayat of Rusa into a single nation state began to plot to hijack the popular anti-monarchist sentiments and ride the wave into power. The Unity party had for years been extending its network of supporters into the security forces and militaries that protected the royal establishment. On march 1947 at the beginning of Ramadan, army units sympathetic to the Unity party carried out simultaneous coups and overthrew the three royal dynasties. The Lakdu royal family was machine gunned down at one of their residences, Ghanim's king was simply prevented from landing his plane as he returned from a visit abroad and was forced to fly to [[Kandara]] and the Zawadid sultan abdicated at gunpoint and sent into internal exile. Street protests supported by the Unity party calling for unification quickly overtook any other proposal, with the borders seen as artificial constructs to keep the Rusani Muslim nation weak, fragmented and vulnerable to external forces. Ghanim's army commander, General Javad Spabod announced the creation of the Rusana Revolutionary Military Command that would include officers of all the three former militaries and act as an executive national body. The junta's first act was to formalize the unification of the three kingdoms into the Islamic Republic of Rusana. | |||
Altough nominally the same nationality now, the spirit of unity began to disintegrate amid bitter quarrels and the junta soon came to be divided along regional lines. The Unity Party also had envisioned having its military sympathizers give way to the party's political primacy, instead it was being marginalized and kept at arms length from all decision making processes. General Spabod and his Ghanim clique adopted a policy of empowering islamic hardliners in order to confront the Unity Party on the streets, with the Lakdu and Zawadid members of the junta supported the party. Tensions boiled over in 1953 after the Unity Party carried out an assassination attempt on General Spabod by bombing his military motorcade with RPG's. The Ghanim clique retaliated by outlawing the party and arresting the leading members of the Zawadid clique that supported it. This represented the definitive break up of the revolutionary military command into openly hostile factions. On one side stood the newly formed Front for the Defense of the Homeland(FDH) composed of the military forces aligned with the Ghanim clique, hardline islamists from Jamaat-e-Islami and the Party of God. Arrayed against them stood the National Congress for the Defense of the People(NCDP) formed by the Lakdu clique, the remains of the Zawadid clique and the Unity Party. Various groups such as the Christian Defense Militias and the Kassar Front would join the NCDP as the FDH made incremental gains early in the war. | |||
The hostilities began with clashes in the capital of [[Tabish]] between the FDH and the NCDP, with the FDH being victorious in evicting their rivals from the entirety of the city after three weeks of fighting. | The hostilities began with clashes in the capital of [[Tabish]] between the FDH and the NCDP, with the FDH being victorious in evicting their rivals from the entirety of the city after three weeks of fighting. | ||
====The Little Incursion==== | ====The Little Incursion==== | ||
[[File:DuanQirui.jpg|thumb|[[Qiu Heng]] ordered military intervention in the [[Rusani Civil War]].]] | |||
During the presidency of [[Daxia]]'s [[Qiu Heng]] he sought to address the rebuilding of the traditional [[Daxia]]n sphere of influence, nations like the newly formed Rusana and [[Canpei]] had drifted out of their relations of dependence. The [[Rusani Civil War]] had been raging almost since he was first democratically elected and he wanted the disruption to border security and trade to end. He also was unwilling to countenance a victory of the conservative and islamist forces that formed the FDH due to their extreme hostility to [[Daxia]]. The FDH wanted to expel all [[Daxia]]ns and ethnic groups related to them from Rusana, these groups totaled some fifteen percent of the population at the time. [[Qiu Heng]] was convinced the FDH's secular opponents, the National Congress for the Defense of the People (NCDP) led by [[Farrukhzad Khosa]], were unable to achieve victory on its own after almost nine years of a slogging war. After a series of meetings in November 1962 with [[Farrukhzad Khosa]], an agreement was finalized to 'assist the legitimate government of Rusana in restoring its territorial integrity'. The state propaganda apparatus began driving the narrative that ethnic [[Daxia]]n's were in grave danger of annihilation and that a short and victorious war was needed to save them. On December of the same year some forty thousand Daxians entered into Rusana from the Xiazhai Pass in the far south; this military action would be known as [[the Little Incursion]] in Daxian history, after the term the president used for the operation. | During the presidency of [[Daxia]]'s [[Qiu Heng]] he sought to address the rebuilding of the traditional [[Daxia]]n sphere of influence, nations like the newly formed Rusana and [[Canpei]] had drifted out of their relations of dependence. The [[Rusani Civil War]] had been raging almost since he was first democratically elected and he wanted the disruption to border security and trade to end. He also was unwilling to countenance a victory of the conservative and islamist forces that formed the FDH due to their extreme hostility to [[Daxia]]. The FDH wanted to expel all [[Daxia]]ns and ethnic groups related to them from Rusana, these groups totaled some fifteen percent of the population at the time. [[Qiu Heng]] was convinced the FDH's secular opponents, the National Congress for the Defense of the People (NCDP) led by [[Farrukhzad Khosa]], were unable to achieve victory on its own after almost nine years of a slogging war. After a series of meetings in November 1962 with [[Farrukhzad Khosa]], an agreement was finalized to 'assist the legitimate government of Rusana in restoring its territorial integrity'. The state propaganda apparatus began driving the narrative that ethnic [[Daxia]]n's were in grave danger of annihilation and that a short and victorious war was needed to save them. On December of the same year some forty thousand Daxians entered into Rusana from the Xiazhai Pass in the far south; this military action would be known as [[the Little Incursion]] in Daxian history, after the term the president used for the operation. | ||
Boosted by [[Daxia]]n mechanized forces and modern aviation, the NCDP began a series of successful offensives over the course of two months that pushed the FDH back towards the Mursi river in disarray and then forced them across with terrible losses of men and vehicles. Some 7,000 men from the FDH are thought to have been killed fighting to defend the FDH perimeter on the south bank of the Mursi as its limited transport capacity struggled to ferry as many of the trapped troops to the other side. The FDH lack of modern planes meant that their armored columns were prone to being destroyed by enemy aviation before they could be properly deployed for battle or were blown up piecemeal as sitting ducks. By July 1963 the NCDP had made further advanced north and retaken the capital of [[Tabish]] almost without a fight, the FDH too battered and demoralized to be able to mount an effective defense even with the benefit of fighting on an urban area, which generally favors the defenders. Only a month later the two sides of the civil war signed a cessation of hostilities that froze the conflict lines, the FDH only controlled a corner of territory in the northwest, some 8% of Rusana while their rivals controlled the rest of the country. [[Qiu Heng]] had maintained his promise to the people and delivered a short and victorious war. The NCDP began the process of reasserting its control over the destroyed country and rebuilding its political structures, only now heavily in debt to [[Daxia]] politically, militarily and economically; with numerous Daxian bases established in its territory. The [[Rusana Patriotic Alliance]] which is the direct political successor of the NCDP continues to steer Rusana into its neighbor's embrace, to the point of dependence. | Boosted by [[Daxia]]n mechanized forces and modern aviation, the NCDP began a series of successful offensives over the course of two months that pushed the FDH back towards the Mursi river in disarray and then forced them across with terrible losses of men and vehicles. Some 7,000 men from the FDH are thought to have been killed fighting to defend the FDH perimeter on the south bank of the Mursi as its limited transport capacity struggled to ferry as many of the trapped troops to the other side. The FDH lack of modern planes meant that their armored columns were prone to being destroyed by enemy aviation before they could be properly deployed for battle or were blown up piecemeal as sitting ducks. By July 1963 the NCDP had made further advanced north and retaken the capital of [[Tabish]] almost without a fight, the FDH too battered and demoralized to be able to mount an effective defense even with the benefit of fighting on an urban area, which generally favors the defenders. Only a month later the two sides of the civil war signed a cessation of hostilities that froze the conflict lines, the FDH only controlled a corner of territory in the northwest, some 8% of Rusana while their rivals controlled the rest of the country. [[Qiu Heng]] had maintained his promise to the people and delivered a short and victorious war. The NCDP began the process of reasserting its control over the destroyed country and rebuilding its political structures, only now heavily in debt to [[Daxia]] politically, militarily and economically; with numerous Daxian bases established in its territory. The [[Rusana Patriotic Alliance]] which is the direct political successor of the NCDP continues to steer Rusana into its neighbor's embrace, to the point of dependence. | ||
==== | ====Modern era==== | ||
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| color3 =#00BFFF | | color3 =#00BFFF | ||
}} | }} | ||
Rusana has a mixed economy that is heavily slanted towards the primary sector and resource extraction. Agriculture, fishing, mining and oil extraction account for over forty percent of the national gross domestic product. The agriculture sector is the single largest employer in the country, accounting for some 25% of jobs. Despite this it suffers from chronic underfunding by government and decaying water infrastructure. Rusana depends on water sources located in Daxia for up to 35% of its needs. The current status and cubic meters of water alloted for Rusana are under constant renegotiation which creates uncertainty for Rusani farmers. Despite all these hurdles, Rusani olives and citruc are prized in the region for their high quality and taste. The mining and oil industries are mostly in the hands of | Rusana has a mixed economy that is heavily slanted towards the primary sector and resource extraction. Agriculture, fishing, mining and oil extraction account for over forty percent of the national gross domestic product. The agriculture sector is the single largest employer in the country, accounting for some 25% of jobs. Despite this it suffers from chronic underfunding by government and decaying water infrastructure. Rusana depends on water sources located in [[Daxia]] for up to 35% of its needs. The current status and cubic meters of water alloted for Rusana are under constant renegotiation which creates uncertainty for Rusani farmers. Despite all these hurdles, Rusani olives and citruc are prized in the region for their high quality and taste. | ||
The mining and oil industries are mostly in the hands of [[Daxia]]n companies due to the lack of funds and necessary technology by local companies to properly exploit these resources. The Rusani government typically enters in royalty sharing contracts with [[Daxia]]n transnationals. Light industry and manufacturing that is not capital intensive represents the next largest sector of the economy, with a focus on consumer goods. This allows the Rusanan economy to cover the entire supply chain for many perishable goods that it in turns exports to parts of [[Audonia]]. Tourism was a moribund sector due to insecurity until only a few years ago but greater policing of tourist areas is leading to a bit of a small boom in visitors, which gives the local economy a much needed injection of foreign currency. | |||
Rusana has sizable proven reserves of natural gas, however due to a lack of funds for investment to develop gas fields, the country has partnered mainly with [[Daxia]]n gas companies to get the industry going. A Rusana-Daxia gas pipeline with the capacity to transport 2.3 billion cubic feet per day of dry gas is slated to be operational by the second quarter of 2032, with completion of the Rusana section at approximately 72%. Rusana also has modest domestic oil reserves, these reserves stand as of 2030 at 27.8 billion barrels of proven reserves. The national oil company continues exploration in tandem with foreign oil companies to discover new fields. | |||
[[File:Soap4.jpg|thumb|Soapmaking workshop in [[Tabish]]]] | [[File:Soap4.jpg|thumb|Soapmaking workshop in [[Tabish]]]] | ||
Supply inefficiencies, widespread corruption and political instability have proven to be persistent obstacles to sustained economig growth, averaging a growth of only 3% annually for the past ten years. The government has planned to adress many of the systemic economic problems with its 'Future Rusana 2050' plan which calls for tax reform, increased road, power and water infrastructure to boost regional connectivity, increased funding for security, the creation of a national anti corruption watchdog among other initiatives. The clear inability of the government to fund even half of these plans has led critics to believe that Daxian funding might eventually be brought in, with attached strings. | Supply inefficiencies, widespread corruption and political instability have proven to be persistent obstacles to sustained economig growth, averaging a growth of only 3% annually for the past ten years. The government has planned to adress many of the systemic economic problems with its 'Future Rusana 2050' plan which calls for tax reform, increased road, power and water infrastructure to boost regional connectivity, increased funding for security, the creation of a national anti corruption watchdog among other initiatives. The clear inability of the government to fund even half of these plans has led critics to believe that Daxian funding might eventually be brought in, with attached strings. | ||