Urcean socialist philosophy: Difference between revisions

m
Text replacement - "lead to" to "led to"
m (Text replacement - "lead to" to "led to")
 
(8 intermediate revisions by 2 users not shown)
Line 3: Line 3:
'''Urcean socialist philosophy''' is the study of the different strains of {{wp|socialist}} thought in [[Urcea]].
'''Urcean socialist philosophy''' is the study of the different strains of {{wp|socialist}} thought in [[Urcea]].
==Marxism==
==Marxism==
Traditional readings of {{wp|Karl Marx|Carlos Marx}} have been popular in small circles in [[Urcea]] since the establishment of his works in the mid 19th century. Marx's discussion of the {{wp|Historical materialism|materialist reading of history}} described a system in which the feudal mode of production would give way to a capitalist mode followed by the creation of the socialist mode of production. Marx's view of the materialist progression, however, has caused divisions among Urcean Marxists since its inception; writing as a continental [[Sarpedon|Sarpedonian]], it was not clear to Marxists of the 19th century through today if this straight-forward model is applicable to Urcea. This fundamental disagreement lead to the division of Marxists within Urcea between the "Traditionalist Marxists" and the "Particular Marxists".
Traditional readings of {{wp|Karl Marx|Carlos Marx}} have been popular in small circles in [[Urcea]] since the establishment of his works in the mid 19th century. Marx's discussion of the {{wp|Historical materialism|materialist reading of history}} described a system in which the feudal mode of production would give way to a capitalist mode followed by the creation of the socialist mode of production. Marx's view of the materialist progression, however, has caused divisions among Urcean Marxists since its inception; writing as a continental [[Sarpedon|Sarpedonian]], it was not clear to Marxists of the 19th century through today if this straight-forward model is applicable to Urcea. This fundamental disagreement led to the division of Marxists within Urcea between the "Traditionalist Marxists" and the "Particular Marxists".
===Traditionalist Marxists===
===Traditionalist Marxists===
Traditionalist Marxists in [[Urcea]] argue that Urcean society is merely in the capitalist mode of production with a mix of particular institutions that provide a public benefit but do not otherwise change its historical state. The traditionalists point out that a {{wp|distributist}} economy is still, largely, a {{wp|market economy}} and that the means of production are still owned by private hands and serve the interests of private individuals. Mid-20th century [[Republican Party (Urcea)|Republican Party]] leader James Heoghair summarized this position with his well-repeated quote that "a large {{wp|bourgeoisie}} is still a bourgeoisie."
Traditionalist Marxists in [[Urcea]] argue that Urcean society is merely in the capitalist mode of production with a mix of particular institutions that provide a public benefit but do not otherwise change its historical state. The traditionalists point out that a {{wp|distributist}} economy is still, largely, a {{wp|market economy}} and that the means of production are still owned by private hands and serve the interests of private individuals. Mid-20th century [[Republican Party (Urcea)|Republican Party]] leader James Heoghair summarized this position with his well-repeated quote that "a large {{wp|bourgeoisie}} is still a bourgeoisie."
Line 9: Line 9:
Particular Marxists argue that [[Urcea]] is a historical aberration within the materialist reading of history and that the conditions within Urcea - particularly the existence of the [[Guilds (Urcea)|guild system]], widespread ownership of the means of production and orientation towards social benefit - make Urcea something of a fusion of the feudal, capitalist, and socialist modes of production. Particularists accordingly believe that Urcea has its own ''particular'' mode of production which transcends the materialist history applicable to nearly all other societies. Most Particularists also believe that this mode of production will not become a socialist society merely based on the forces of history, essentially freezing the country in time. Views on the Urcean mode are split within this community, with "fatalists" accepting that it is a relatively benign, if inclined towards a socially oppressive State, that is the least bad option available. The "accommodationists" also believe the Urcean mode is perhaps more benevolent than the capitalist mode, but that it must be pushed past in order to end social oppression and reach a true socialist society. The "radicals" believe that the Urcean mode is a heinous exception to historical forces that has distorted socialism in order to further oppression, both economic and social, and that it must be destroyed.  
Particular Marxists argue that [[Urcea]] is a historical aberration within the materialist reading of history and that the conditions within Urcea - particularly the existence of the [[Guilds (Urcea)|guild system]], widespread ownership of the means of production and orientation towards social benefit - make Urcea something of a fusion of the feudal, capitalist, and socialist modes of production. Particularists accordingly believe that Urcea has its own ''particular'' mode of production which transcends the materialist history applicable to nearly all other societies. Most Particularists also believe that this mode of production will not become a socialist society merely based on the forces of history, essentially freezing the country in time. Views on the Urcean mode are split within this community, with "fatalists" accepting that it is a relatively benign, if inclined towards a socially oppressive State, that is the least bad option available. The "accommodationists" also believe the Urcean mode is perhaps more benevolent than the capitalist mode, but that it must be pushed past in order to end social oppression and reach a true socialist society. The "radicals" believe that the Urcean mode is a heinous exception to historical forces that has distorted socialism in order to further oppression, both economic and social, and that it must be destroyed.  


Particularists generally fall into two political persuasions in response to the "problem" posed by the Urcean mode of production within historical materialism; "Electoralists" and "Accelerationists".
Particularists generally fall into two political persuasions in response to the "problem" posed by the Urcean mode of production within historical materialism; "Electoralists" (more commonly referred to by the overarching tradition of Synodalism) and "Accelerationists".
====Synodalism====
====Synodalism====
The Synodalist faction, sometimes called "Urcean Mode Electoralists" argues that the Urcean mode of production does not create the immediate urgency for violent revolution and that it is the responsibility of Marxist socialists to work within the [[Government of Urcea]] to improve conditions and remove various means of social oppression while also using the authority of the state to create parallel non-state institutions under which social power may eventually be transitioned and a {{wp|communist}} society be achieved. The majority of Electoralists believe that the Urcean mode can thus be peacefully transitioned - both by using State power and social organization - into a socialist society within the confines of Urcean norms, expectations, and the existing systems. Both the "fatalist" and "accommodationist" schools of thought of Particular Marxism are traditionally aligned with Synodalists. Synodalists have historically made up the large majority of all [[Urcea|Urcean]] Marxists. A form of electoralism (without all Synodalist planks) have made up the platform of the [[Social Labor Party (Urcea)|Social Labor Party]] and its predecessor organizations. In terms of strategy, the Synodalists are usually inclined towards soliciting support from Organic or Wittonian socialists in order to acheieve victories in the political mainstream.
The Synodalist faction, sometimes called "Urcean Mode Electoralists" argues that the Urcean mode of production does not create the immediate urgency for violent revolution and that it is the responsibility of Marxist socialists to work within the [[Government of Urcea]] to improve conditions and remove various means of social oppression while also using the authority of the state to create parallel non-state institutions under which social power may eventually be transitioned and a {{wp|communist}} society be achieved. The majority of Electoralists believe that the Urcean mode can thus be peacefully transitioned - both by using State power and social organization - into a socialist society within the confines of Urcean norms, expectations, and the existing systems. Both the "fatalist" and "accommodationist" schools of thought of Particular Marxism are traditionally aligned with Synodalists. Synodalists have historically made up the large majority of all [[Urcea|Urcean]] Marxists. A form of electoralism (without all Synodalist planks) have made up the platform of the [[Social Labor Party (Urcea)|Social Labor Party]] and its predecessor organizations. In terms of strategy, the Synodalists are usually inclined towards soliciting support from Organic or Wittonian socialists in order to acheieve victories in the political mainstream.
Line 24: Line 24:
==Organic and Wittonian socialism==
==Organic and Wittonian socialism==
{{wip}}
{{wip}}
Non-Marxist "right-wing" socialism - called "Crown socialism", "Organic socialism", and "Wittonian socialism" in its most recent strain - has had a long history in [[Urcea]]. Attempts to deliberately apply of [[Organicism|organic]] thought were made almost immediately with the development of organic philosophy in the 18th century. In [[Urcea]], multiple attempts at creating a political faction to oppose the dominant [[Crown Liberalism|Crown Liberal]] [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]] throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries failed, beginning a long history of rivalry between the two ideologies within the [[Government of Urcea]]. Many of these early approaches were employed by reformed adherents of {{wp|absolute monarchy}}, and consequently failed to take root as a cohesive, distinct political ideology. Only during the [[Red Interregnum]] did a coherent political application of organic principles apart from absolutism emerge. The later portion of the rule of [[Gréagóir FitzRex]] saw a more coherent application of the principles of organicism within the political sphere. The newly formed [[National Democratic Party (Urcea)|National Democratic Party]] began to espouse an organic position ''contra'' the legitimists, a position they maintained throughout the restoration. The initial NDP version of organic ideology largely excluded the monarchy as they viewed it as a necessary and organic institution, but one largely outside of and excluded from society. As the [[Great War]] approached, the NDP adopted more traditionally {{wp|moderate}} political positions, abandoning a coherent ideology.
Non-Marxist "right-wing" socialism - called "Crown socialism", "Organic socialism", and "Wittonian socialism" in its most recent strain - has had a long history in [[Urcea]]. Attempts to deliberately apply of [[Organicism|organic]] thought were made almost immediately with the development of organic philosophy in the 18th century. In [[Urcea]], multiple attempts at creating a political faction to oppose the dominant [[Crown Liberalism|Crown Liberal]] [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]] throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries failed, beginning a long history of rivalry between the two ideologies within the [[Government of Urcea]]. Many of these early approaches were employed by reformed adherents of {{wp|absolute monarchy}}, and consequently failed to take root as a cohesive, distinct political ideology. Only during the [[Red Interregnum]] did a coherent political application of organic principles apart from absolutism emerge. The later portion of the rule of [[Gréagóir FitzRex]] saw a more coherent application of the principles of organicism within the political sphere. The newly formed [[Commonwealth Union (Urcea)|Commonwealth Union]] began to espouse an organic position ''contra'' the legitimists, a position they maintained throughout the restoration. The initial NDP version of organic ideology largely excluded the monarchy as they viewed it as a necessary and organic institution, but one largely outside of and excluded from society. As the [[Second Great War]] approached, the NDP adopted more traditionally {{wp|moderate}} political positions, abandoning a coherent ideology.


===Wittonian socialism===
===Wittonian socialism===
'''Wittonian Socialism''' is a political ideology in [[Urcea]]. Derived from various sources - primarily the policies of [[Michael Witte]] during his tenure as Procurator, the ideology has been described as the "application of the principles of [[Organicism|organicism]] as a coherent political program and using the power of the state to bring about the {{wp|Common_good#In_Catholic_social_teaching|common good}}". For this reason, some [[Occidental]] sources - especially in [[Kiravia]] - refer to the ideology as '''Organic Socialism'''.
'''Wittonian Socialism''' is a political ideology in [[Urcea]]. Derived from various sources - primarily the policies of [[Michael Witte]] during his tenure as Procurator, the ideology has been described as the "application of the principles of [[Organicism|organicism]] as a coherent political program and using the power of the state to bring about the {{wp|Common_good#In_Catholic_social_teaching|common good}}". For this reason, some [[Occidental]] sources - especially in [[Kiravia]] - refer to the ideology as '''Organic Socialism'''.


[[Michael Witte]] was elected to the [[Concilium Daoni]] in 1990 at the age of 30 along with what was called the "New Wave" of the [[National Democratic Party (Urcea)|National Democratic Party]], who began seeking a coherent alternative to the advancing {{wp|neoliberal}} policies of the [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]]. Witte, as a major leader of the New Wave, began to speak openly of what he called "social organicism", bringing about what he called the "common good society" with a series of policies employing a welfare state model with a proactive labor market policy, based around a "golden triangle" with a three-sided mix of flexibility in the labor market combined with social security and an active labor market policy with rights and obligations for the unemployed. In Witte's view, as in the traditional [[Organicism|organicist]] view, the State and society were essentially indistinguishable, and consequently the state should, as much as possible, be responsible for resolving social ills, including the alienation of labor. As part of this policy, Witte believed in enhancing the power of the [[Guilds (Urcea)|Guild system]] over firms and major corporations, as in the 1980s the National Pact crafted new laws exempting some large firms from the regulations of Guilds. Witte's key innovation was reconciling the National Democratic Party's traditional position with that of the [[Apostolic King of Urcea|monarchy]], stating that the King - and his government - have a fatherly duty entrusted by God to protect his people from the effects of ruinous economic forces and social calamity. Upon his election as [[Procurator]] of [[Urcea]] in 2000, Witte began to implement his policies, including the creation of the [[Healthcare in Urcea|King's Health Aid]] program among other major economic changes. The term "Wittonian socialism" originated as a derogatory term among Witte's National Pact opponents which was soon embraced by Witte and other allies within the party, including [[James Cossus Reed]].
[[Michael Witte]] was elected to the [[Concilium Daoni]] in 1990 at the age of 30 along with what was called the "New Wave" of the [[Commonwealth Union (Urcea)|Commonwealth Union]], who began seeking a coherent alternative to the advancing {{wp|neoliberal}} policies of the [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]]. Witte, as a major leader of the New Wave, began to speak openly of what he called "social organicism", bringing about what he called the "common good society" with a series of policies emphasizing the value of "social collegiality with a paternalistic Royal framework" employing a welfare state model with a proactive labor market policy and a {{wp|distributist}} philosophy emphasizing the de-concentration and "democratization" of wealth while still in a setting of private property. In Witte's view, as in the traditional [[Organicism|organicist]] view, the State and society were essentially indistinguishable, and consequently the state should, as much as possible, be responsible for resolving social ills, including the alienation of labor. As part of this policy, Witte believed in enhancing the power of the [[Guilds (Urcea)|Guild system]] over firms and major corporations, as in the 1980s the National Pact crafted new laws exempting some large firms from the regulations of Guilds. Witte's key innovation was reconciling the Commonwealth Union's traditional position with that of the [[Apostolic King of Urcea|monarchy]], stating that the King - and his government - have a fatherly duty entrusted by God to protect his people from the effects of ruinous economic forces and social calamity. Upon his election as [[Procurator]] of [[Urcea]] in 2000, Witte began to implement his policies, including the creation of the [[Healthcare in Urcea|King's Health Aid]] program among other major economic changes. The term "Wittonian socialism" originated as a derogatory term among Witte's National Pact opponents which was soon embraced by Witte and other allies within the party, including [[James Cossus Reed]].


====Ideology====
====Ideology====
[[Category: Politics of Urcea]]
[[Category: Politics of Urcea]]
[[Category: Urcea]]
[[Category: Urcea]]
[[Category:Political ideologies]]
[[Category:Types of socialism]]
[[Category:IXWB]]