Political ideologies in Castadilla: Difference between revisions

[[Castadilla]], alongside [[Pelaxia]], have often been called the "cradle of socialism", and the main subsections within modern [[Socialism in Castadilla|Castadillaan socialism]] include [[Velvetine Socialism]], [[Cabacero Socialism]], and even various flavours of socialist-aligned {{wp|social democracy}}; the former two having emerged from the Velvetine faction of the Velvet Revolution while the latter developed throughout the latter half of the 19th Century and had gained prominence as the left-wing faction of the anti-Pascualist opposition groups which were formed in the late 1940s. [[Liberalism in Castadilla|Castadillaan liberalism]] traces its lineage back to the late 18th Century as the result of the initial {{wp|egalitarianism|egalitarian}} ethos of early [[Delepasians|Delepasian]] nationalism (not to be confused with [[Delepasian exceptionalism]]) as well as {{wp|constitutionalism}} and even {{wp|republicanism}}; in recent years, Castadillaan liberalism has been closely aligned with {{wp|neoliberalism}}. [[Conservatism in Castadilla]] mostly emerged as a response to the rise of liberal ideologies in the early 19th Century and has historically enjoyed close relations with the [[Catholic Church]], and in the present is most often associated with {{wp|Christian democracy}}. Modern-day [[Nationalism in Castadilla|Castadillaan nationalism]] is most commonly associated with various flavours of Delepasian exceptionalism, though more moderate and less exclusionary forms of nationalism do exist across the political spectrum with the most prominent being [[Velvetine Socialism#Castadillaanism|Castadillaanism]].

The earliest instances of political ideologies in what is now Castadilla began with the emergence of Delepasian nationalism in the late 18th Century which challenged the long-standing notion that the colonists of the [[Viceroyalty of Los Rumas]] were [[Pelaxia|Pelaxians]]. The rise of the nascent Delepasian identity would lead to the emergence of {{wp|constitutionalism}} and even {{wp|republicanism}} as calls for Delepasian self-government began to emerge. The latter years of Pelaxian colonial rule and the brief time that the [[Delepasian Kingdom]] had existed would see Delepasian nationalism split into new ideologies, including [[Delepasian Royalism|royalism]], [[Delepasian National Constitutionalism|national constitutionalism]], and [[Delepasian National Republicanism|national republicanism]]. In the years following the collapse of the short-lived Delepasian Kingdom, [[foralism]] and {{wp|confederalism}} became the predominant ideologies of the new [[Delepasian Confederation|confederation]]. The rise of the [[Estado Social (Castadilla)|Estado Social]] in the mid-1920s would see the rise of [[National Renewal Party|Pascualism]] as well as the institutionalisation of [[Delepasian exceptionalism]]; modern forms of liberalism, conservatism, and socialism would develop in response to Pascualist rule with all three ideological groups committing themselves to promoting a more democratic form of government. The finalisation of the development of the modern political ideologies in Castadilla would end in the late 1990s after the end of the Velvet Revolution, with Velvetine Socialism and {{wp|national conservatism}} being some of the most prominent ideological developments.

Delepasianism, particularly the radical "pure {{wp|republicanism|republican}}" faction, first entered into mainstream Pelaxian politics during the years of the [[First Pelaxian Republic]]. Although a form of nationalism, Delepasianism was closely-aligned to the beliefs of the staunch Pelaxian republican and Enlightenment thinker [[Luciano Valera]] who happened to be one of the three leaders of the First Republic; for many early Delepasianists, Valera's views were in support for Delepasian representation in the Pelaxian government, and many prominent officials during the First Republic, such as famed proto-socialist thinker [[Ernesto Chavez]], were Delepasian. Delepasianism was the first major ideology in what is now Castadilla, and it served as the foundation for modern forms of socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and even nationalism in Castadilla.

[[File:Infante_Carlos,_Count_of_Montemolin.jpg|thumb|right|175px|[[Luis-Alfonso, Duke of Atogua]], the father of [[foralism]], was the first [[Delepasian Prefect|Prefect]] of the [[Delepasian Confederation]].]]

It was also during the emergence of Delepasian exceptionalism that the Confederation would face an immense economic crisis which had came after the end of the [[First Great War]]. For many, the collapse of the Delepasian economy was largely blamed on {{wp|liberalism}} and {{wp|socialism}}, the two ideologies being accused of spending far too much money on "vanity projects" instead of contingency plans even though the economic crisis was largely the result of factors that were outside of anyone's control. Nonetheless, Delepasian exceptionalism began to receive mainstream acceptance amongst average Delepasians who looked for anything that could solve their economic woes. To them, their saviour would come in the form of noted economics professor and traditionalist intellectual [[Fernando Pascual]] who was appointed Minister of Finance by the Rosarian government so that he could solve Rosaria's unstable and collapsing economy; he was not only able to balance the Rosarian budget he was also able to produce a budgetary surplus for the republic. This seemingly miraculous economic recovery was more than enough to convince the entirety of the Confederation membership to appoint Pascual as President of the Forals in 1922, making him the first known Delepasian exceptionalist to hold a leadership role in the Delepasian Confederation.

[[File:António_de_Oliveira_Salazar_portrait_(by_Manuel_Alves_San_Payo)_–_Lisboa.jpg|thumb|left|175px|[[Fernando Pascual]], pictured here in 1976, was instrumental in the rise of the Estado Social.]]

The exact ideology of the ''[[Estado Social (Castadilla)|Estado Social]]'' and of the [[National Renewal Party]] during the regime's early years consisted of elements of Delepasian exceptionalism as well as {{wp|corporatism}} and [[organicism]]. Although he professed a far-right ideology, Fernando Pascual saw the regime not as an alternative revolutionary vanguard to socialism, but rather as a reactionary preservative for conservative, Catholic traditionalism. This is not to say that Pascual was never inspired by the currents of fascism and falangism which were respectively found in Caphiria and Delepasia, but he still nonetheless condemned fascism and falangism for its "idolatrous exaltation of youth, the revolutionary cult of force through vanguardism, the blasphemous principle of the superiority of the state's political power in all aspects of a person's life, [and] the slavish and sacrilegious propensity for organising the masses behind a single leader" and stated that the Catholic corporatism of the ''Estado Social'' "exalts a national sense of collectivism under the guidance of principles that were wisely established by the Church; it preserves traditional values and the natural order of society while cautiously allowing for certain changes so long as it benefits the nation as a whole".

The [[Velvet Revolution]] was one of the most defining political moments in Castadillaan history. Not only did it put an end to Pascualist rule it also saw the emergence of most of Castadilla's modern ideological alignments as they exist to this day. The revolution initially started as an armed revolt against the fabricated results of the 1984 chief executive election which saw popular candidate [[Hector del Cruces]] flee to [[Auxana]] to evade arrest, but once the ''Estado Social'' was finally overthrown within a day and its leadership exiled to [[the Cape]] the Revolution turned into a period of power struggles and civil wars. During this period, there emerged various ideologies that sought to temper the revolution and to bring back certain elements of the ''Estado Social''; the most prominent of these ideologies were Quinterism, named after [[Raul Quintero]] who in 1985 overthrew the del Cruces government and ran Delepasia until 1987. Quinterism called for a "conservative democracy" under the guidance of the armed forces and was highly opposed to the anti-stratocratic liberalism of del Cruces. Quinterism is not to be confused for the ideology of the Colorados even though both are very similarly-aligned save for their stances of decentralisation.

Revolutionary ideologies ever since Quintero's rule were vehemently opposed to giving the armed forces any influence within the political sphere, citing the assassination of Nicolas Torres in 1983 and the brief period of Quinterist rule. The end of the Quintero government saw the return to revolutionary rule under [[Ricardo Valentino]] whose success was primarily aided by left-wing revolutionary factions, also known as the "[[Velvetine Socialism|Velvetines]]". These left-wing factions were energised by the revolution, and saw it as their chance to finally implement a socialist state in Delepasia. The fears of a possible left-wing takeover of the Revolution led to Valentino shying away from appointing known members of the left-wing factions. This perceived snub did not go well with left-wing revolutionaries and soon Delepasia was plunged into a second civil war period which saw the finalisation of both Velvetine Socialism and [[Cebacero Socialism]] as ideologies. The two forms of socialism, despite having quite a few differences in how to implement socialism, were essentially locked in a perpetual alliance.

The end of armed conflict in the Velvet Revolution would ultimately come in 1994, five years after the end of the second civil war period. The victorious socialist factions were able to influence the provisional government, thus ensuring that the new government would move away from liberalism and instead constitutionally guarantee certain public policies which they had deemed to be fundamental human rights including, but not limited to, {{wp|single-payer healthcare}}, {{wp|income security}}, and {{wp|progressive taxation}} which were promptly approved by the Velvetine-aligned Constituent Assembly. The current [[Constitution of Castadilla]] as published in 1996 not only saw the monarch go from a purely ceremonial figure to one of the most powerful person in the country, it also declared the new state's intent to eventually transition to socialism once the material conditions have been met by the {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}, which the Constitution designated the role to the nascent [[People's Democratic Party]] which currently rules Castadilla to this day.

Socialism in Castadilla traces its origins during the years of the First Pelaxian Republic in the early 19th Century, having initially developed as a radical form of liberalism which believed that society would inevitably evolve to become an egalitarian utopia. This belief formed the basis of various forms of pre-Marxist socialism that are currently known as {{wp|utopian socialism}}. It is through this ideology that Castadilla, alongside Pelaxia, has often been referred to as the "cradle of socialism". These flavours of utopian socialism would largely fall out of favour later on in the 19th Century when the teachings of {{wp|Karl Marx|Carlos Marx}}, which had criticised the utopian dream world promised by utopian socialists as being an unrealistic fantasy, became highly influential within the socialist movement as belief in the necessity for revolution became a primary aspect in socialist thought. Adherents to Marx were then split into two camps: those who believed that revolution could be achieved through the ballot box were dubbed "social democrats" (in modern terms, classical social democracy is more akin to {{wp|democratic socialism}}), and those who believed that an armed proletarian revolt was needed to achieve revolution were dubbed "revolutionary socialists". Both camps were cited as being major influences for modern-day socialism in Castadilla.

Within modern Castadillaan socialism, there exists multiple variations and schools of thought. [[Velvetine Socialism]], the ruling ideology of Castadilla since the late 1990s and based on the personal philosophy of revolutionary general and chief executive [[Vito Borbon]], advocates for the {{wp|left-wing populism|encouragement of popular support}} for the {{wp|vangaurdism|vanguard party}} and the usage of strong {{wp|dirigisme|government intervention}} in the economy to ensure that no worker will be exploited, believing that material conditions must be met before transition towards socialism may begin. [[Cabacero Socialism]] (often known as "steelheads") advocates for a much more immediate transition towards socialism, believing that simply waiting for favourable material conditions would only give reactionary forces time to prepare for their eventual takeover of power. The form of socialism promoted by [[Yes We Can!]], on the other hand, calls for a decentralised socialist state along the lines of [[Ardmore]]. Castadillaan socialists will generally support the transition to socialism and eventually communism sometime in the future, stating that the principles of Carlos Marx provide for a vital blueprint that all aspiring socialist regimes must follow. Being left-wing populists, Castadillaan socialists will advocate for the {{wp|economic democracy|democratisation}} of the economy as well as {{wp|social justice}} and {{wp|multiculturalism}}.

Castadillaan socialists, however, are varied in their approach in foreign policy, though the one common tenet that all variants of socialism hold is the promotion of {{wp|democracy}}. Velvetine Socialism generally supports diplomatic realism and advocates for a cautious approach towards foreign relations; socialism, in the eyes of the Velvetines, should be strengthened within rather than spread without. Cabacero Socialism supports the idea of a {{wp|permanent revolution}} in that Castadilla should support and instigate socialist revolutions around the world so as to challenge and even disrupt the current world order; compromise with opposing ideologies and classes is highly opposed by Cabacero Socialism. The more populistic Yes We Can!, on the other hand, supports pacifism and isolation from foreign affairs except when interacting with fellow socialist states.

[[File:Antonio_Cánovas_del_Castillo_ret.jpg|thumb|right|155px|[[Manuel de la Fuente]]]]

Modern Castadillaan conservatism is a departure from the old traditionalist and reactionary beliefs held by earlier conservatives. With the emergence of {{wp|Catholic social teaching}} through papal encyclicals in the early 1890s, Castadillaan conservatism began to shift away from aristocratic monarchism, thus becoming a more paternalistic and charitable ideology which sought to find a balance between classical liberal values and the ideals of Christian charity. Through this new form of conservatism, now known as {{wp|Christian democracy}}, the state would establish a welfare system and mildly intervene in the economy to rid capitalism of its worst excesses, though some have advocated for a form of {{wp|corporatism}}. Socially, the ideology took a moderate stance, accepting liberal democracy and state secularism while insisting that there be guarantees for {{wp|religious freedom}}. These stances were formulated by noted scholar [[Miguel de la Fuente]] as an alternative to radicalism. In the late 20th Century, Christian democracy quickly became the predominant conservative ideology in Castadilla, and at that same time a faction of Christian democrats would emerge that attempts to reconcile both modern Castadillaan conservatism with elements of classical Castadillaan conservatism and {{wp|neoliberalism}}; the resulting ideology, known as the {{wp|Christian right}}, takes a more right-wing and dogmatic approach towards Christian democracy.

[[File:Oliveira_Salazar,_retratado_por_San_Payo_(Arquivo_Municipal_de_Lisboa,_MNV001514).png|thumb|right|155px|[[Fernando Pascual]]]]

The rise of Delepasian exceptionalism in the latter half of the 19th Century is said to have heralded a Delepasian renaissance. Unlike previous forms of nationalism, Delepasian exceptionalism was firmly within the political right and it took on an {{wp|ethnonationalist}} philosophy mixed in with traditionalist Catholicism and a disdain for liberal democracy. Indeed, Delepasian exceptionalism was the core ideology of the Estado Social and Pascualism which would introduce corporatism and organicism into the standard core policies of Delepasian exceptionalism. Modern Castadillaan nationalism would not be finalised until after the end of the Velvet Revolution when Delepasian exceptionalism was discredited by the new socialist government in favour of a more inclusive form of nationalism known as Castadillaanism. The main adherents of modern Castadillaan nationalism are currently right-wing populists and remaining Delepasian exceptionalists.

Ideologically, the movement professes itself as a {{wp|big tent}} group, but is highly associated with the agrarian Tainean interests party the [[Democratic Farmers' Union]] which it promotes as the ultimate goal of Tainean interests in Castadilla. The People's Democratic Party, in hopes of garnering the Tainean vote, has also supported the Castoustecist Movement which it interprets its goals under the lens of Castadillaanism.

[[File:Plinio_Salgado_revista_Anauê.jpg|thumb|right|155px|[[Diego Hernandez]]]]

Falangism was a significant political movement throughout the 1920s up until the mid-1930s. It was created by [[Diego Hernandez]] who had merged the political ideals of the radical monarchist "restorationists" with his own {{wp|revolutionary nationalism|revolutionary national}} {{wp|national syndicalism|syndicalism}} which was partly inspire by [[Gald Bertocca]]'s [[Caphiric Fascism]]. It advocated for the transformation of Delepasia into an {{wp|absolute monarchy}} under a [[municipalism|municipalist]] [[municipalist federalism|federation]] that was to be entirely independent from the perceived intervention of the [[Catholic Church]]. It woulfd become the founding ideology for Hernandez's [[National Falangist Party]] and was at the peak of its popularity in the early years of the ''[[Estado Social (Castadilla)|Estado Social]]''. Other aspects of falangism have included calls for a [[Great Pelaxian Nation]], or the unification of all pelaxiophone nations under one flag, which had ensured that falangism would remain a purely Delepasian phenomenon.

Regionalism, particularly for non-Urlazian-descended groups, is often accompanied by a political party such as the Democratic Farmers' Union and the [[Samalosian People's Party]]. Regionalism in of itself is largely big tent, though regionalist parties do fashion their ideological viewpoint based on the ideological leanings of a given group's most common occupation and ideological beliefs; hence why the Democratic Farmers' Union has taken on a conservative agrarian position while the Samalosian People's Party has taken on a {{wp|ordoliberalism|ordoliberal}} position as the state's largest economic sector is in the entertainment and casino industries which has in recent years come increasingly under the ownership of Samalosian firms.

{{main|Commarcho-capitalism}}

Satirical ideologies are ideologies that are the core of a {{wp|List of frivolous political parties|frivolous political party}}, parties that are created solely for entertainment or {{wp|political satire}}. The most prominent of these ideologies is [[commarcho-capitalism]], which calls itself the synthesis of {{wp|communism}} and {{wp|anarcho-capitalism}}, and was born out of the [[castapunk subculture]] which had emerged in the late 1970s in opposition to the Estado Social's strict societal expectations and norms. Commarcho-capitalism has a distinct plan for how it wants to change Castadilla should it get into power, namely through transforming the nation into a "triple monarchy" designed to ensure a "proper government" for the nation.

Castadillaan politics since the Velvet Revolution have largely been associated with theological standpoints partly thanks to the decades of Catholic influence on society during the Estado Social years. Even opposition parties were not spared from this influence, and indeed they had to at the very least tacitly accept it if they were to be approved by Fernando Pascual to run in elections. These theological standpoints transcend demographics, and have been used to denote which ideologies are going to be aligned with a given theological standpoint as standard demographics are not necessarily indicative of political leanings, and especially as multiple ideologies have to an extent largely embraced stances associated with opposing ideological groups. There are presently three main theological standpoints that influence modern Castadillaan politics: liberation theology, Catholic social teaching, and integralism.

Liberation theology is the newest of the three main theological standpoints in Castadillaan politics. It emerged in what is now northern Castadilla during the mid-20 Century as a reaction to the perceived rise of the {{wp|prosperity gospel}} that had emerged amongst the Protestatn Tainean majority in the area. Early adherents of liberation theology have criticised the prosperity gospel as being an exploitative and idolatrous irresponsibility that only seeks to enrich the pastor and not the poor. These criticisms, alongside the emphasis on the liberation of the poor and the oppressed, resonated very well with those in the political opposition who aligned with the political left and thus it was embraced wholeheartedly as a way to make socialism, a traditionally strictly secular ideology, palatable to the largely religiously-devoted populace and maybe have them more willing to accept progressivism. In recent years, liberation theology is associated with the People's Democratic Party, particularly Velvetine Socialism, and Yes We Can! as parties of the Castadillaan left.

Integralism, which stems from a more rigid interpretation of Catholic social teaching fused with traditionalist Catholic beliefs, has historically held the greatest influence in mid-20th Century Castadillaan politics. Like Catholic social teaching, integralism is concerned with human dignity and the common good, but is far more condemnatory of capitalism and socialism; instead calling for an alternative form of economy that, according to them, would be compatible with the natural societal hierarchy, that being {{wp|corporatism}}. Another major difference between CST and integralism is that the latter is anti-pluralist and largely supports the predominance of Catholicism in everyday life. Historically, it has largely been associated with Delepasian exceptionalism and the Estado Social, and in modern Castadillaan politics is still associated with both which has caused it to become heavily associated with the political right with parties such as the [[Democratic Reform Party]] and the [[Delepasian Alternative]] supporting a form of integralism, though the former has moderated their stance in an effort to gain support from non-Delepasian and non-Catholic voters.