Castadillaan transition to democracy: Difference between revisions
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Tag: 2017 source edit |
Tag: 2017 source edit |
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| image1 = António_de_Spínola.jpg | | image1 = António_de_Spínola.jpg | ||
| caption1 = [[Raul Quintero]], first provisional | | caption1 = [[Raul Quintero]], first provisional commander-in-chief (30 April-14 July 1994) | ||
| image2 = Francisco_Costa_Gomes_Roma_1975.jpg | | image2 = Francisco_Costa_Gomes_Roma_1975.jpg | ||
| caption2 = [[Fidel de la Pena]], second provisional | | caption2 = [[Fidel de la Pena]], second provisional commander-in-chief (14 July 1994-19 August 1995) | ||
| image3 = Vasco_Goncalves_1982_Henrique_Matos_01_(cropped).jpg | | image3 = Vasco_Goncalves_1982_Henrique_Matos_01_(cropped).jpg | ||
| caption3 = [[Augusto Ortega]], third provisional | | caption3 = [[Augusto Ortega]], third provisional commander-in-chief (19 August-11 December 1995) | ||
| image4 = Hugo_Castillo.jpg | | image4 = Hugo_Castillo.jpg | ||
| caption4 = [[Hugo Castillo]], final provisional | | caption4 = [[Hugo Castillo]], final provisional commander-in-chief (11 December 1995-21 May 1996) | ||
}} | }} | ||
A key catalytic event in the process toward revolution was the publication, in 1993, General [[Raul Quintero]]'s book, ''Delepasia and the Year 2000'', which criticised the conduct of the Loaland campaigns and offered a far-ranging and far-reaching programme for Delepasia's recovery. The general's work sent shock waves throughout the political establishment in [[Santa Maria]]. As the first major and public challenge to the regime by a high-ranking figure within the system, Quintero's experience in the Loaland campaigns gave his opinions added weight and influence. The book was widely seen as the opening salvo in Quintero's ambitious campaign to become [[Prime Minister of Delepasia|prime minister]]. | A key catalytic event in the process toward revolution was the publication, in 1993, General [[Raul Quintero]]'s book, ''Delepasia and the Year 2000'', which criticised the conduct of the Loaland campaigns and offered a far-ranging and far-reaching programme for Delepasia's recovery. The general's work sent shock waves throughout the political establishment in [[Santa Maria]]. As the first major and public challenge to the regime by a high-ranking figure within the system, Quintero's experience in the Loaland campaigns gave his opinions added weight and influence. The book was widely seen as the opening salvo in Quintero's ambitious campaign to become [[Prime Minister of Delepasia|prime minister]]. | ||
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===1994 uprising=== | ===1994 uprising=== | ||
{{main|Velvet Revolution}} | {{main|Velvet Revolution}} | ||
On 30 April 1994, a group of younger officers belonging to an underground anti-Pascualist organisation, the [[Democratic Rebirth Society]] (''Sociedad del Renacimiento Democrático'', SRD; ''Kasikasgau des Reneisensa Demaukrata'', KRD), overthrew the Torres regime, and Quintero emerged as at least the titular | On 30 April 1994, a group of younger officers belonging to an underground anti-Pascualist organisation, the [[Democratic Rebirth Society]] (''Sociedad del Renacimiento Democrático'', SRD; ''Kasikasgau des Reneisensa Demaukrata'', KRD), overthrew the Torres regime, and Quintero emerged as at least the titular chief executive of the new government. The uprising succeeded within hours with virtually no bloodshed. Torres and other high-ranking officials of the old regime were arrested and exiled, many to [[The Cape]], while [[Maximilian I of Rumahoki|Emperor Maximilian I]], who from 1976 until 1996 served as the ceremonial head-of-state, declared his support in favour of the revolutionaries. The military seized control of all important institutions. | ||
Quintero regarded the military's action as a simply military uprising aimed at reorganising the political structure with himself as the head, a "''revitalización''" (revitalisation), in his words. Within days, however, it became clear that the uprising had released long pent-up frustrations when thousands, and then tens of thousands of Delepasians spontaneously poured into the streets celebrated the downfall of the regime and demanding further change than was Quintero had been hoping. The coercive apparatus of the Estado Social – secret police, National Men-at-Arms Regiment, official party, censorship – were all soon overwhelmed and abolished. Workers began taking over shops from owners, peasants seized private lands, low-level employees took over hospitals from doctors and administrators, and government offices were occupied by workers who sacked the old management and demanded a thorough housecleaning. | Quintero regarded the military's action as a simply military uprising aimed at reorganising the political structure with himself as the head, a "''revitalización''" (revitalisation), in his words. Within days, however, it became clear that the uprising had released long pent-up frustrations when thousands, and then tens of thousands of Delepasians spontaneously poured into the streets celebrated the downfall of the regime and demanding further change than was Quintero had been hoping. The coercive apparatus of the Estado Social – secret police, National Men-at-Arms Regiment, official party, censorship – were all soon overwhelmed and abolished. Workers began taking over shops from owners, peasants seized private lands, low-level employees took over hospitals from doctors and administrators, and government offices were occupied by workers who sacked the old management and demanded a thorough housecleaning. | ||
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Very early on, the demonstrations began to be manipulated by organised political elements, principally the Marxists and other groups farther to the left. Radical labour and peasant leaders emerged from the underground where they had been operating for many years to escape Pascualist reprisal. [[Francisco Carvalho]], the leader of the nascent [[People's Democratic Party]], and [[Manuel Ruiz]], former general and member of the Pascualist regime who converted to Marxism during his exile, returned from exile to Delepasia within days of the revolt and received heroes' welcomes. | Very early on, the demonstrations began to be manipulated by organised political elements, principally the Marxists and other groups farther to the left. Radical labour and peasant leaders emerged from the underground where they had been operating for many years to escape Pascualist reprisal. [[Francisco Carvalho]], the leader of the nascent [[People's Democratic Party]], and [[Manuel Ruiz]], former general and member of the Pascualist regime who converted to Marxism during his exile, returned from exile to Delepasia within days of the revolt and received heroes' welcomes. | ||
Who exactly ruled Delepasia during this revolutionary period was not always clear, and various bodies had vied for dominance. Quintero became the first interim | Who exactly ruled Delepasia during this revolutionary period was not always clear, and various bodies had vied for dominance. Quintero became the first interim commander-in-chief of the new regime in May 1994, and he chose the first of six provisional governments that were to govern the country until two years later when the new constitution was enacted. This new government consisted of members of the moderate [[Christian National Party]], the PDP, the Marxists, five independents, one military officer, and Emperor Maximilian I himself. | ||
Beneath this formal structure, there existed several other groups that wielded considerable power. Within the first weeks of the revolution, a key group was the [[Junta for the Salvation of Civility]] (''Junta para la Salvación de la Civilidad''), composed entirely of high-ranking, politically moderate military officers headed by the Emperor. Working alongside it was a seven-member coordinating committee made up of politically radical junior officers who had managed the uprising. By the end of May 1994, these two bodies worked together with other members of the Privy Council, the nation's highest governing body. | Beneath this formal structure, there existed several other groups that wielded considerable power. Within the first weeks of the revolution, a key group was the [[Junta for the Salvation of Civility]] (''Junta para la Salvación de la Civilidad''), composed entirely of high-ranking, politically moderate military officers headed by the Emperor. Working alongside it was a seven-member coordinating committee made up of politically radical junior officers who had managed the uprising. By the end of May 1994, these two bodies worked together with other members of the Privy Council, the nation's highest governing body. | ||
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Gradually, however, the DR Society emerged as the most powerful single group in Delepasia as it overruled Quintero in several major decisions. Members of the DR Society formed the National Liberation Command (''Comando de Liberación Nacional'' - COLINA) composed of 15,000 elite troops with Major (later Brigadier General) [[Vito Borbon]] as its commander. Known universally by his first name Vito, Borbon had directed the 30 April uprising. Because the regular police withdrew from the public sector during the time of revolutionary turmoil and the military was somewhat divided, COLINA became the most important force for order in the country and was firmly under the control of radical left-wing officers. | Gradually, however, the DR Society emerged as the most powerful single group in Delepasia as it overruled Quintero in several major decisions. Members of the DR Society formed the National Liberation Command (''Comando de Liberación Nacional'' - COLINA) composed of 15,000 elite troops with Major (later Brigadier General) [[Vito Borbon]] as its commander. Known universally by his first name Vito, Borbon had directed the 30 April uprising. Because the regular police withdrew from the public sector during the time of revolutionary turmoil and the military was somewhat divided, COLINA became the most important force for order in the country and was firmly under the control of radical left-wing officers. | ||
Quintero formed a second provisional government in mid- | Quintero formed a second provisional government in mid-June with army Colonel (later General) [[Augusto Ortega]] as his head of government, eight military officers, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists. Quintero chose Ortega because he was a moderate, but he was to move increasingly to the left as he served as prime minister in four more provisional governments, between June 1994 and August 1995 before becoming commander-in-chief until December of 1995. Quintero's position further weakened when he was obliged to consent of the formation of the Loa-majority states of [[Kalanatoa]] and [[Na'aturie]] as well as a dismantling of the [[Navidadian System]], rather than allowing for a limited amount of Loa to run for public office in [[Navidadia]] as outlined in his book. Kalanatoa and Na'aturie were both officially declared as states within Rumahoki in 30 April 1996, months after the nation would finally stabilise. Quintero attempted to seize full power in mid-July of 1994, but was blocked by COLINA and forced out of the commandership. His replacement was the moderate General [[Fidel de la Pena]], who with Ortega formed a third provisional government with heavy DR Society membership, nine military officers in all, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists. | ||
In retaliation, Quintero allied himself with Pascualist counter-revolutionaries alongside more conservative elements of the DR Society and declared that the Velvet Revolution would need to be tempered by force, citing fears that a socialist revolution would lead to "another 1852 but with no hope for recovery" and thus declared war on the Junta for the Salvation of Civility. It was also around this time that the more radical orthodox Marxists, led by | |||
In the next year, Delepasian politics moved steadily leftward. The Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and it was consolidating its hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The DR Society came ever more under the control of its radical wing, and some of its members came under the influence of the Marxists. In addition, smaller, more radical left-wing groups joined up with the Marxists in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies. | In the next year, Delepasian politics moved steadily leftward. The Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and it was consolidating its hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The DR Society came ever more under the control of its radical wing, and some of its members came under the influence of the Marxists. In addition, smaller, more radical left-wing groups joined up with the Marxists in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies. | ||