Ceylonia: Difference between revisions
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Unhappy with what they called "Tierradorian recolonization", over 100,000 Ceylon steel workers would go on strike, which would eventually spark the [[Ceylon Steel Crisis]]. The strikes lasted for nearly three decades, and forced the country to remain neutral during the [[Second Great War]]. Rather than listening to the striking workers' demands, then-President [[Christopher Pinho]] began outsourcing steel labor, from powers such as [[Caphiria]] and Tierrador. Despite this, the Steel Crisis would only worsen, as the outsourced labor would grow discontent with the cheap wages imposed by the government. Ceylonia would end the 1940s with a trade deficit of nearly $11 billion, one of the highest in the country's history. Pinho, frustrated with the lack of output from the striking workers, attempted numerous times to stop the strikes through union deals, however, the demands from the workers, who were mostly of Cartadanian origin, were calling for Ceylonia to distance itself from the majority-indigenous Tierrador. | Unhappy with what they called "Tierradorian recolonization", over 100,000 Ceylon steel workers would go on strike, which would eventually spark the [[Ceylon Steel Crisis]]. The strikes lasted for nearly three decades, and forced the country to remain neutral during the [[Second Great War]]. Rather than listening to the striking workers' demands, then-President [[Christopher Pinho]] began outsourcing steel labor, from powers such as [[Caphiria]] and Tierrador. Despite this, the Steel Crisis would only worsen, as the outsourced labor would grow discontent with the cheap wages imposed by the government. Ceylonia would end the 1940s with a trade deficit of nearly $11 billion, one of the highest in the country's history. Pinho, frustrated with the lack of output from the striking workers, attempted numerous times to stop the strikes through union deals, however, the demands from the workers, who were mostly of Cartadanian origin, were calling for Ceylonia to distance itself from the majority-indigenous Tierrador. | ||
=== Chavez | === Chavez/Santos Era === | ||
As the country entered the 1950s, Pinho would begin to subsidize and encourage indigenous Cronans, who mostly worked in agriculture, to seek employment in the industrial sector. As the 1955 Ceylon election rolled around, close to 60% of steel workers were indigenous Cronan, a sharp increase from the 20% at the beginning of the Steel Crisis. However, because of this, Pinho would grow to be more unpopular within two major groups; the Cartadanian-Ceylonians and the agricultural industry of the country, which so happened to be two of the most influential groups when it came to elections. While Pinho had the support of steel workers and other indigenous industrial laborers, his opponent, | As the country entered the 1950s, Pinho would begin to subsidize and encourage indigenous Cronans, who mostly worked in agriculture, to seek employment in the industrial sector. As the 1955 Ceylon election rolled around, close to 60% of steel workers were indigenous Cronan, a sharp increase from the 20% at the beginning of the Steel Crisis. However, because of this, Pinho would grow to be more unpopular within two major groups; the Cartadanian-Ceylonians and the agricultural industry of the country, which so happened to be two of the most influential groups when it came to elections. While Pinho had the support of steel workers and other indigenous industrial laborers, his opponent, 27-year old [[Jair Santos]], began to pander towards the other two groups, allowing him to take control of the country by a steep margin. Santos was of Qabóri descent, and quickly earned the trust of Walakee autocrat [[Pedro Gomez]]. After his victory, Santos would abolish the Prime Minister position, claiming it to be "completely useless", and absorbed the position's responsibilities. | ||
One of | One of Santos's first actions as President of Ceylonia was to reverse many of the industrial subsidies enforced in the Pinho era, creating the [[Ceylon Equal Employment Association]] (CEEA) in 1957. The purpose of this organization was to create equal employment opportunities for all Ceylonians regardless of ethnicity or background. Santos then threatened to expel the striking workers back to Cartadania if they did not return to work by a set deadline. Close to 30,000 workers left the country voluntarily, while the rest, not having many options, returned to work despite the frustration with the government's priorities. In 1959, Santos authorized aid from the Ceylon Defense Forces to Istrenya during its [[Istrenyan Crisis|civil war]]. The war would only last two years but would trigger the mass influx of refugees from Istrenya into Ceylonia, which began the [[Ceylon Refugee Crisis]] in 1960. Several refugee camps were established across the country, which angered the majority of the Tribal Nations, as the camps were mostly being built on their land. Despite this, many of the pleas to move or send the refugees back were met with deaf ears, and the crisis would continue until the end of the war. | ||
Santos reacted quickly to the [[1964 Tawakee Coup d'Etat]], which saw communist cartel insurgents overthrowing the already-problematic [[Republic of Tawakee (1877–1965)|Republic of Tawakee]]. The new government severed ties with both countries, which dealt a massive blow to them. While Tawakee was a small nation, its production of textiles made both countries heavily reliant on said industry. The [[Calico Bay War|ensuing conflict]] would involve Ceylonia sending aid to Tierrador and the [[Tawakee Liberation Front]], with the promise of the island being split, with the northeast portion going to Ceylonia and the southwest portion going to Tierrador. What was supposed to be a swift, two-week invasion quickly became a five-month endeavor, as the Ceylonian and Tierradorian forces were heavily unprepared. Despite the strategic victory, both nations suffered massive casualties. This completely trashed Jair Santos's reputation, and with the 1965 Election creeping closer, the war would deal a massive blow to his campaign image. Santos would be voted out in 1965, but not before he involved Ceylonia in the [[Mosquito War]], fighting alongside Tierrador against [[Istrenya]] and [[Arcerion]]. | |||
=== | Santos would be ousted towards the beginning of 1966, while close to 75,000 CDF troops were fighting in the Istrenyan highlands. His successor, [[Aldó Chavez]], holding similar views to the former president, began reducing the number throughout 1966, much to the dismay of Walakee leader Gomez. By November 1966, CDF forces in Istrenya had shrunk to 41,000. Santos would also allow increased gold-mining efforts in formerly prohibited areas, boosting productivity and the nation's output of gold, despite calls from environmentalist movements against these actions. Towards the beginning of 1967, many Ceylonians began calling for the withdrawal of troops from Istrenya. Not wanting to put the nation's relationship with Tierrador at risk, Chavez delayed the withdrawal date until mid-June of that year, which resulted in one of the biggest logistical failures in history, with the Ceylon government withdrawing over 32,000 troops over the span of a year. Chavez did not take part in the [[Dalton Accords]], which ended the Mosquito War. This strained the country's relationship with Tierrador, but Chavez did not acknowledge the failing relations. | ||
Ceylonia saw one of the biggest economic boosts in history in the 1970s, with its GDP increasing 20% from 1971 to 1974. The decade was referred to as the ''aniiet dantiund'' (golden decade), due to the country's increased production and distribution of gold in the international market. The nation also saw a massive increase in tourism, as the government became more Occidentalized. The 1980s saw the country building back its relationship with Tierrador. This included reactivating its membership in the South Cronan Economic Area and the newly-established [[Wadičaq Area]]. Chavez would also reform the National Assembly, equally dividing power between the legislature's three branches, rather than the two lower houses holding more power than the Senate. | |||
=== Modern era === | |||
In 1985, due to his declining health, Chavez would ultimately resign as president of Ceylonia. His successor, [[Tomás Curvaló-Auspik]], would be appointed. Curvaló-Auspik's administration would be marred in controversy, as he oversaw the completely botched prosecutions of those involved in the [[1989 Ceylon bribery scandal]]. Despite this, Curvaló-Auspik would be re-elected in 1990. He would create the [[Ceylon Environmental Impact Mitigation Agency]] (CEIMA) in 1991, which enforced newly-passed environmental legislations from 1991–1994. The [[1993 Tierradorian financial crisis]] saw the collapse of the housing bubble in Ceylonia, leading to the biggest stock market crash in the country's history. In response to this, Curvaló-Auspik passed the [[Lending Act of 1994]], which increased bank lending regulations. | |||
Following the financial crisis, Ceylonia reinstated itself as one of the most developed nations in South Crona. The country co-hosted the [[2004 World Cup of Hockey]] with Tierrador, finishing fourth in the tournament. In 2015, the PpY, led by [[Sabina Teixeira]], took power as the ruling party of the country, where it remains today. Teixeira would resign in 2027, appointing Miguel Sousa as her successor. In 2035, Sousa will attempt to extend the PpY's tenure to 25 years. | |||
== Geography == | == Geography == | ||