Prehistory of Great Kirav: Difference between revisions
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===Archæic Society=== | ===Archæic Society=== | ||
[[File:Bucharest - The Thinker & The Sitting Woman of Cernavoda - white bg.jpg|thumb]] | [[File:Bucharest - The Thinker & The Sitting Woman of Cernavoda - white bg.jpg|thumb]] | ||
At the dawn of agriculture, certain patterns of social organisation had already settled into prevailing norms across the island continent. Tribes, in the strict sense of the word, had replaced lower-level band societies in all but the most marginal and inhospitable locales. Kiravian tribes were structured according to {{wp|segmentary lineage}}s, most of which were already strictly {{wp|patrilineal}} and {{wp|patrilocal}} as all Coscivian peoples are today, though a minority (now conserved only in a few ''[[urom]]'' tribes) were matrilineal and/or matrilocal. At this stage it is presumed that all or most tribes permitted {{wp|cross-cousin marriage}}, though the extent to which it may have been ''preferred'' (as in later stages of both Coscivian and ''urom'' societies) is not yet known. Due to the segmentary lineage reckoning of kinship, the demographic size of a typical Kiravian tribe during the early agricultural age is somewhat imprecise, but it can be estimated that the largest tribal orders of stable political (that is, military) significance claimed common descent no further back than five generations (to a single great-great-great-great-grandfather) and probably included between 1,000 and 3,000 people. However, the everyday lives of early agrarian Kiravians would have been lived largely within the confines of autonomous village communities within a larger tribe, with such villages comprising between 50 and 400 people. By this point, prehistoric Kiravians were actively cultivating potato and crisp-potato, and keeping swine, yet there is little evidence of major forest clearance for agriculture. {{wp|Pollen analysis}} suggests mostly small-scale clearance to enlarge natural clearings in the primæval Kiravian forests. The short-term nature of the settlements suggested by a paucity of archæological remains of permanent structures comports with the lack of evidence for large-scale clearance, suggesting that during this period of Kiravian prehistory there were no communities large enough to require a large area of cleared cropland to satisfy their subsistence needs. It has been argued that the overall lack of houses points to a quite mobile society dominated by {{wp|shifting cultivation}}. Later, Prehistoric Kiravians developed of {{wp|slash-and-burn}} agriculture, using {{wp|Africa (Toto song)|fire}} in controlled burns to fertilise the mediocre soil covering most of the continent with the rich nutrients accumulated in its thick forest cover. As such, villages would periodically migrate within a localised ambit in search of virgin land as the cinder-enriched soils of one area were depleted. | At the dawn of agriculture, certain patterns of social organisation had already settled into prevailing norms across the island continent. Tribes, in the strict sense of the word, had replaced lower-level band societies in all but the most marginal and inhospitable locales. Kiravian tribes were structured according to {{wp|segmentary lineage}}s, most of which were already strictly {{wp|patrilineal}} and {{wp|patrilocal}} as all Coscivian peoples are today, though a minority (now conserved only in a few ''[[urom]]'' tribes) were matrilineal and/or matrilocal. At this stage it is presumed that all or most tribes permitted {{wp|cross-cousin marriage}}, though the extent to which it may have been ''preferred'' (as in later stages of both Coscivian and ''urom'' societies) is not yet known. Due to the segmentary lineage reckoning of kinship, the demographic size of a typical Kiravian tribe during the early agricultural age is somewhat imprecise, but it can be estimated that during the Mature Archæic period the largest tribal orders of stable political (that is, military) significance claimed common descent no further back than five generations (to a single great-great-great-great-grandfather) and probably included between 1,000 and 3,000 people. However, the everyday lives of early agrarian Kiravians would have been lived largely within the confines of autonomous village communities within a larger tribe, with such villages comprising between 50 and 400 people. By this point, prehistoric Kiravians were actively cultivating potato and crisp-potato, and keeping swine, yet there is little evidence of major forest clearance for agriculture. {{wp|Pollen analysis}} suggests mostly small-scale clearance to enlarge natural clearings in the primæval Kiravian forests. The short-term nature of the settlements suggested by a paucity of archæological remains of permanent structures comports with the lack of evidence for large-scale clearance, suggesting that during this period of Kiravian prehistory there were no communities large enough to require a large area of cleared cropland to satisfy their subsistence needs. It has been argued that the overall lack of houses points to a quite mobile society dominated by {{wp|shifting cultivation}}. Later, Prehistoric Kiravians developed of {{wp|slash-and-burn}} agriculture, using {{wp|Africa (Toto song)|fire}} in controlled burns to fertilise the mediocre soil covering most of the continent with the rich nutrients accumulated in its thick forest cover. As such, villages would periodically migrate within a localised ambit in search of virgin land as the cinder-enriched soils of one area were depleted. Some anthropologists (mostly - though not entirely - in the Coscivian world) theorise that stress on the land and the contraction of these ambits due to growing populations and the generational fission of villages may have considerably increased the frequency of inter-tribal violence, which could be the historical basis for the Age of Blood described in Coscivian mythology. | ||
{{Cquote|Early agricultural Kiravians became embroiled in a state of endemic warfare, not unlike that which has been documented among other relatively high-density simple farming societies elsewhere. Oral literary sources speak little about the causes of this phenomenon, but comparative studies of tribal societies with high rates of endemic warfare at similar stages of development and with economies similar in scale and mode of production to those which have been reconstructed for early agricultural Kiravia (albeit located primarily in the tropics) suggest that swine raids and swine theft were major drivers of conflict, was well as the abduction of women and the imperative to exact revenge for such transgressions. Ecological anthropologists theorise that stress on the land from intensive slash-and-burn cultivation and the contraction of tribal ambits due to growing populations and the generational fission of villages was a key driver of conflict. | |||
|author= C.V. Telthaskiven | |||
|source= ''Condensed Scientific Defences of the Historicity of the Great Law Chant'' | |||
}} | |||
===Ʒ-Q Invasion=== | ===Ʒ-Q Invasion=== | ||
[[File:Gilsemans 1642.jpg|thumb|Artist's impression]] | [[File:Gilsemans 1642.jpg|thumb|Artist's impression]] | ||
The Y-DNA haplogroups Ʒ and Q appear in the Kiravian gene pool around 7000 BC. Modern frequency distribution of these haplogroups correlates with two main variables: Proximity of subjects' [[Ancestral home (Kiravia)|ancestral home]] to the West Coast, and belonging to a traditionally Itaho-Atrassic-speaking ethnic group (such as Qihuxians, Ūtrans, West Coast Marine Coscivians). As such, the Ʒ-Q influx is most commonly attributed to a trans-oceanic migration from [[Crona]] or alternatively Vallos-Polynesia (a minority theory) as part of the wide-reaching dispersal of chiefly Audonian-origin peoples through the aforementioned regions beginning circa 8000 BC. Archæological and dark philological evidence points to this migration accelerating into a violent invasion of Kiravia by more advanced wandering Audonians that spread up and down the West Coast and inland therefrom until running up against early adoptors of potato-based agriculture, who were a closer match to the invaders militarily and enjoyed the advantage of highland geography in defending their homes. | The Y-DNA haplogroups Ʒ and Q appear in the Kiravian gene pool around 7000 BC. Modern frequency distribution of these haplogroups correlates with two main variables: Proximity of subjects' [[Ancestral home (Kiravia)|ancestral home]] to the West Coast, and belonging to a traditionally Itaho-Atrassic-speaking ethnic group (such as Qihuxians, Ūtrans, West Coast Marine Coscivians). As such, the Ʒ-Q influx is most commonly attributed to a trans-oceanic migration from [[Crona]] or alternatively Vallos-Polynesia (a minority theory) as part of the wide-reaching dispersal of chiefly Audonian-origin peoples through the aforementioned regions beginning circa 8000 BC. Archæological and dark philological evidence points to this migration accelerating into a violent invasion of Kiravia by more advanced wandering Audonians that spread up and down the West Coast and inland therefrom until running up against early adoptors of potato-based agriculture, who were a closer match to the invaders militarily and enjoyed the advantage of highland geography in defending their homes. | ||
==Formative Era (5700 BC - 3200 BC)== | ==Formative Era (5700 BC - 3200 BC)== |