Castadillaan transition to democracy: Difference between revisions
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| caption3 = [[Augusto Ortega]], third provisional commander-in-chief (19 August-11 December 1995) | | caption3 = [[Augusto Ortega]], third provisional commander-in-chief (19 August-11 December 1995) | ||
| image4 = Hugo_Castillo.jpg | | image4 = Hugo_Castillo.jpg | ||
| caption4 = [[Hugo Castillo]], final provisional commander-in-chief (11 December 1995- | | caption4 = [[Hugo Castillo]], final provisional commander-in-chief (11 December 1995-30 September 1996) | ||
}} | }} | ||
A key catalytic event in the process toward revolution was the publication, in 1993, General [[Raul Quintero]]'s book, ''Delepasia and the Year 2000'', which criticised the conduct of the Loaland campaigns and offered a far-ranging and far-reaching programme for Delepasia's recovery. The general's work sent shock waves throughout the political establishment in [[Santa Maria]]. As the first major and public challenge to the regime by a high-ranking figure within the system, Quintero's experience in the Loaland campaigns gave his opinions added weight and influence. The book was widely seen as the opening salvo in Quintero's ambitious campaign to become [[Prime Minister of Delepasia|prime minister]]. | A key catalytic event in the process toward revolution was the publication, in 1993, General [[Raul Quintero]]'s book, ''Delepasia and the Year 2000'', which criticised the conduct of the Loaland campaigns and offered a far-ranging and far-reaching programme for Delepasia's recovery. The general's work sent shock waves throughout the political establishment in [[Santa Maria]]. As the first major and public challenge to the regime by a high-ranking figure within the system, Quintero's experience in the Loaland campaigns gave his opinions added weight and influence. The book was widely seen as the opening salvo in Quintero's ambitious campaign to become [[Prime Minister of Delepasia|prime minister]]. | ||
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In the next year, Delepasian politics moved steadily leftward. The Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and it was consolidating its hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The DR Society came ever more under the control of its radical wing, and some of its members came under the influence of the Marxists. In addition, smaller, more radical left-wing groups joined up with the Marxists in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies. | In the next year, Delepasian politics moved steadily leftward. The Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and it was consolidating its hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The DR Society came ever more under the control of its radical wing, and some of its members came under the influence of the Marxists. In addition, smaller, more radical left-wing groups joined up with the Marxists in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies. | ||
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The new government began a wave of {{wp|nationalisations}} of banks and large businesses. As these banks were often holding companies, the government came after a time to own almost all the country's newspapers, insurance companies, hotels, construction companies and many other kinds of businesses, so that its share of the country's gross national product amounted to 85%. | The new government began a wave of {{wp|nationalisations}} of banks and large businesses. As these banks were often holding companies, the government came after a time to own almost all the country's newspapers, insurance companies, hotels, construction companies and many other kinds of businesses, so that its share of the country's gross national product amounted to 85%. | ||
==The | ==The civil war period== | ||
{{Multiple image | {{Multiple image | ||
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{{main|Período de Salvación Democrática{{!}}Democratic Salvation Period}} | {{main|Período de Salvación Democrática{{!}}Democratic Salvation Period}} | ||
In retaliation for being forced out of the commandership, Quintero allied himself with Pascualist counter-revolutionaries alongside more conservative elements of the DR Society and declared that the Velvet Revolution would need to be tempered by force, citing fears that a socialist revolution would lead to "another 1852 but with no hope for recovery" and thus declared a [[Delepasian Federacy|rival government]], with their capital being the [[Homberia|Homberian]] capital of [[San Joaquin, Homberia|San Joaquin]], which was a longtime conservative stronghold in preceding months. It was also around this time that the more radical orthodox Marxists, led by [[Vito Borbon]], felt that the Junta was not working fast enough to consolidate the revolution and soon declared the [[United Federative Councils of Vallos]], seizing control over the majority-Tainean north. By the end of July of 1994, Delepasia had entered into a state of civil war. | |||
In the early days of the conflict, the Loaland protectorate and Navidadia unilaterally declared full independence from Delepasia, fearing that the war would quickly spread to them if they picked a side and thus stayed neutral throughout the conflict. Loaland became the [[Loa Republic]] and Navidadia became the [[Navidadia Free State]] which attempted to retain the same racial laws that defined the segregation against the Loa. This move was widely seen by most Navidadians as unpopular, and the Free State was soon overthrown in a popular revolt in 1995, establishing [[Independent Junu'urinia Ba'andasi]]. The [[Loa Republic]] modelled itself after the government of [[Takatta Loa]], albeit with certain provisions and changes to reflect the [[Marian Kapuhenasa]] faith. | |||
Initially, the pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces were effective at fighting back against the socialist factions, winning a few decisive battles throughout the rest of 1994 up to early 1995. Moderate democrats and Delepasian intellectuals had at first sided with Quintero under the promise that he would instill a mildly liberal democratic form of government. To them, they saw the counter-revolutionaries as key to a stable and prosperous nation, a democracy guaranteed by a politically-active military that would keep away the hardline Pascualists and the radical socialists. Indeed, by early 1995, the conservative faction had occupied the entirety of the coastal regions south of [[Portas Gemeas]], including the capital of Santa Maria. To the rest of the world, it looked like the civil war was at an end, with many nations extending diplomatic relations to Quintero's government. | |||
Vito Borbon, fearing that the revolution was in jeopardy, offered to cease hostilities and to join up with the Junta to put an end to the counter-revolutionary forces. Negotiations between the two factions resulted in many of the conditions that the Borbonists had wanted being fulfilled, most notably land reform, turning the new Delepasia (renamed Rumahoki) into a federation, a constitutional commitment to the transition to socialism, and a constitutionally-designated {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Satisfied, hostilities between the two socialist factions ended with the formation of the [[Rumahokian United Front]], and attention soon turned towards the Quintero government. The tide of war turned quick, popular partisan militias became more numerous, and successful attacks against pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces increased tenfold. By December of 1995, Quintero was forced to flee the country ahead of the advancing revolutionary forces, and by January of 1996 the last of the counter-revolutionary forces surrendered, thus ending the civil war. Fearing a potential purge or reprisals, most moderate democratic politicians and Delepasian intellectuals quickly swore loyalty to the victors. Others opted to flee the country. | |||
==Transition to civilian rule== | |||
Shortly after the conclusion of the civil war, negotiations between the new socialist government and the breakaways began in earnest as did the dismantling of the Navidadian System and the Loa Laws in preparation for a new multicultural policy in stark contrast to the long-standing policies of Delepasian exceptionalism. The Loa Republic became the states of Kalanatoa and Na'aturie while Independent Junu'urinia Ba'andasi became the state of Junu'urinia Ba'andasi-Navidadia, all within the new federal structure. | |||
[[1996 Delepasian Constituent Assembly election|Elections were soon held on 30 April 1996]], for the Constituent Assembly to draft a [[Constitution of Rumahoki|new constitution]]. The PDP won nearly 42% of the vote, while the PNC took 32.5%. The Marxists won less than 17% of the vote. A right-wing party, the [[Democratic Reform Party (Rumahoki)|Democratic Reform Party]], came in forth with less than 10%. Despite the fact that the elections took place in a period of revolutionary ferment, most Delepasians voted for moderate parties committed to pluralistic democracy. | |||
Many Delepasians regarded the elections as a sign that democracy was being effectively established after over 75 years of dictatorial rule in some places. In addition, most members of the military welcomed the beginning of a transition to civilian democracy. Some elements of the Borbonists, however, had opposed the elections, agreeing to them only after working out and agreement with political parties that the Borbonists' policies as designated in the negotiations between them and the previous Junta would be carried out regardless of election results. | |||
Following the elections came the [[Red Solstice of 1996]] when the revolution made itself felt in the countryside. Landless agricultural labourers in the north seized the large farms on which they worked. Many estates in [[Kauabimini]] were confiscated—over 50,000 square kilometres in all—and transformed into collective farms. In the south, where most farms were small and owned by the people who worked them, such actions have never occurred. The north's small farmers, highly conservative property-owners in [[Auxana]], violently repulsed the attempts of radical elements and the Marxists to collectivise their land. Some farmers formed right-wing organisations in defence of private landownership, a reversal to the region's early welcoming of the revolution. | |||
Other revolutionary actions were met with hostility, as well. In mid-July, the PDP and the PNC withdrew from the fifth provisional government to protest the antidemocratic actions committed by radical military and far-left political forces, now known as "steelheads" (''cabaceros''). The PDP newspaper [[Socialist Action]] had been closed by radical workers, causing a storm of protests both domestically and abroad. The PDP and other democratic parties were also faced with a potentially lethal threat to the new freedoms posed by the steelheads' open contempt for parliamentary democracy and its dominance in Delepasia's main trade union, the [[United Federation of Rumahokian Workers|United Federation of Delepasian Workers]] (''Federación Unida de Trabajadores Delepasianos'' – FUTD). | |||
[[Almadaria]] and [[Takatta Loa]], as well as much of mainland [[Sarpedon]], expressed considerable alarm at the prospect of a violent {{wp|Marxist}} takeover in Vallos. Almadaria in particular even threatened to invade Delepasia to restore order if the country fell to civil war or a hostile Marxist takeover. One contemporary noted the similarities between this revolution and [[Pelaxia]]'s Revolution of 1852. The result of these concerns was an influx of foreign financial aid into Delepasia to shore up groups committed to pluralist parliamentary democracy and the rule of law. | |||
However, a moderate group of socialists, known as the Group of Nine, better-known as the "velvetines" (''aterciopeladistas''), issued a manifesto in August that advocated moderate socialism along the lines of what they believed were the fundamental principles founded in the 30 April uprising the year prior, the basis of [[Velvetine Socialism|Velvetine socialism]]. The manifesto also made use of {{wp|left-wing populism}} to garner support from the ''cabaceros'' and called for the formation of one final provisional government, this time with the Emperor serving as the commander-in-chief so as to divorce the role from partisan politics. This sixth and last provisional government was formed on 30 September 1996 with the Emperor as the commander-in-chief, and Admiral Hugo Castillo, who previously served as commander-in-chief, was made prime minister; it also included Vito Borbon as deputy prime minister, the leader of the Group of Nine as well as members of the PNC, the PDP, and Marxists. This government, which was to remain in power until January 1997, when the first constitutional government was formed, was pledged to adhere to the policies advocated by the "velvetines" as well as the "steelhead" policies promised. | |||
Evolving political stability did not necessarily reflect the country as a whole, which was on the verge of anarchy even after the conclusion of the civil war. Even the command structure of the military broke down. It was not until late September of 1996 when political parties became more confident and increasingly fought for order, as did many in the armed forces. The granting of statehood to Kalanatoa and Na'aturie earlier that same year meant that the Loaland campaigns came to an end. The attainment of peace, the main aim of the military during all these months of political upheaval, was thus achieved, and the military could finally begin the transition to civilian rule. | |||
==Consolidation of democracy== | ==Consolidation of democracy== | ||
[[Image:Antonio Guterres 1-1.jpg|150px|thumb|[[Francisco Carvalho]], first prime minister of the new constitutional government]] | [[Image:Antonio Guterres 1-1.jpg|150px|thumb|[[Francisco Carvalho]], first prime minister of the new constitutional government]] | ||
The polling results of the [[1996 Rumahokian legislative election|November 1996 legislative elections]] for the [[Congress of the Commons]] showed the PDP and the PNC taking 76.8% of the vote, compared to the 16.2% for the PRD, and the 7% for the [[Rumahokian Citizens' Party|PCR]]. These results, as well as Borbon's approval of said results, legitimised the popular support given to the parties that could manage and welcome this transition. | |||
A degree of compromise among competing political visions of how the new Rumahokian state should be organised was reached, and the country's new Constitution was proclaimed on 31 December 1996, paving the way to the termination of the provisional governments and of the Período de Salvación Democrática. By 21 January in 1997, the first constitutional government, a coalition government between the PDP and the PNC led by [[Francisco Carvalho]], was sworn in. The PDP continues to be the ruling party of Rumahoki to this day, now holding a majority government ever since the [[2000 Rumahokian legislative election|2000 elections]]. | |||
These elections could be said to be the definitive end of the period of revolution. Moderate democratic parties received most of the vote, with a coalition government being formed between the PNC and the PDP. Revolutionary achievements were not discarded, however. The constitution pledged the country to realise {{wp|socialism}}, and the PDP maintains its commitment to the transition towards socialism and as the nation's {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Furthermore, the constitution declared that the extensive nationalisations and land seizures of 1996 were irreversible. The military supported these commitments through a pact with the main political parties that guaranteed its guardian rights over the new democracy for four more years. | |||
During its near-40 years in power, the PDP has cemented Velvetine socialism as the party's main ideology as guided by [[Carvalhoism|Carvalho's ideological viewpoints]], has transitioned Rumahoki's economy towards one where the state maintains an active role in {{wp|dirigism}}, and has established special economic zones (SEZs) over the states of [[Portas Gemeas]] and the [[Federal District]]. By 2005, the results of these economic policies allowed for the nation to experience economic growth for the first time since 1993, soon reaching to VEA levels in 2011, partly thanks to Rumahoki having joined the VEA in the early 2000s. | During its near-40 years in power, the PDP has cemented Velvetine socialism as the party's main ideology as guided by [[Carvalhoism|Carvalho's ideological viewpoints]], has transitioned Rumahoki's economy towards one where the state maintains an active role in {{wp|dirigism}}, and has established special economic zones (SEZs) over the states of [[Portas Gemeas]] and the [[Federal District]]. By 2005, the results of these economic policies allowed for the nation to experience economic growth for the first time since 1993, soon reaching to VEA levels in 2011, partly thanks to Rumahoki having joined the VEA in the early 2000s. |