Federalist Republican Alliance: Difference between revisions

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==Support Base==
==Support Base==
The SRA draws support from a wide cross-section of Kiravian society, and from the fall of Kirosocialism until the [[21206 Kiravian federal election]] was considered by many to be Kiravia's {{wp|natural governing party}}. Its most consistent and enthusiastic base of support is the metropolitan white-collar workforce and business class living in the highly developed states of the Eastern Seaboard, the West Coast, [[Devalōmara]], the Castalan colonies, and Avalonica.  
The SRA draws support from a wide cross-section of Kiravian society, and from the fall of Kirosocialism until the [[21206 Kiravian federal election]] was considered by many to be Kiravia's {{wp|natural governing party}}. Its most consistent and enthusiastic base of support is the metropolitan white-collar workforce and business class living in the highly developed coastal states and [[Æonara]]. Key factors underpinning its long-term electoral dominance have been maintaining high levels of support from the middle class more generally, and preventing the emergence of viable competitor parties in Æonara and the Overseas Regions.


In recent years, other caucuses have eroded the SRA's dominance by building inroads with its metropolitan middle-class base. An extensive study commissioned by the Shafronist-Republican Interstate analysing the evolving geographic dimensions of voting patterns in metropolitan areas found that since 21195 CSU-affiliated parties have become much more competitive in inner-ring suburbs and satellite cities that had previously been reliably Shaftonist-Republican. It also found that while parties in the reformist wing of the [[Caucus of Justice]] had begun to perform well (particularly in state and local elections) in many exurban areas - the strongest and most consistent areas of SRA support - this success appears to be transitional, with support for SRA parties increasing as land development progresses.
In recent years, other caucuses have eroded the SRA's dominance by building inroads with its metropolitan middle-class base. An extensive study commissioned by the SR Federal Conference analysing the evolving geographic dimensions of voting patterns in metropolitan areas found that since 21195 CSU-affiliated parties have become much more competitive in inner-ring suburbs and satellite cities that had previously been reliably Shaftonist-Republican. It also found that while parties in the reformist wing of the [[Caucus of Justice]] had begun to perform well (particularly in state and local elections) in many exurban areas - the strongest and most consistent areas of SRA support - this success appears to be transitional, with support for SRA parties increasing as land development progresses. At the state and local level, SRA affiliates have benefitted greatly from the suburbanisation process that accompanied the "maturation" of the Kiravian capitalist economy, losing influence in urban cores but cementing dominance over the  expanding ''{{wp|Mandala (political model)|mandala}}'' of suburbs, exurbs, boomburbs, edge cities, and satellite cities, as well as becoming more competitive in many struggling micropolitan areas being revitalised by out-migration from major cities.


Although generally seen as a metropolitan-oriented party, the SRA does have a significant rural constituency in northern coastal states and in the overseas colonies. Candidates pledged to the SRA typically draw more rural votes in federal elections than candidates from state-level SRA affiliate parties do in state and local elections.  
Although generally seen as a metropolitan-oriented party, the SRA does have a significant rural constituency in northern coastal states, the overseas colonies, and parts of the Eastern Highlands. Candidates pledged to the SRA typically draw more rural votes in federal elections than candidates from state-level SRA affiliate parties do in state and local elections.  


SRA voters tend to have higher incomes, higher rates of educational attainment, higher property values, and longer lifespans than the national average. SRA supporters have an average rate of religious participation close to the national median (though it is worth noting that the Kiravian median is quite high), and their distribution among religious denominations is rather representative of the population as a whole. A study found that members of SRA-affiliated parties have the highest levels of access to and use of information technology of any caucus save the [[Direct Democratic Front]].
SRA voters tend to have higher incomes, higher rates of educational attainment, higher property values, and longer lifespans than the national average. Adjusted for the different characteristics of various faith traditions, SRA supporters have an average rate of religious participation close to the national median (though it is worth noting that the Kiravian median is quite high), and their distribution among religious denominations is reasonably reflective of the electorate as a whole. [[Insular Apostolic Church|Insular Apostolic Christians]] lean toward the SRA more than the other major Christian denominations. There is a demonstrated relationship between the Iduan religion and voter preference for the SRA, with SRA candidates holding a ~25 point lead with citizens identifying Iduanism as their sole or primary religion. Christian ethno-social communities of Iduan heritage cast a greater share of their votes for SRA candidates than other Christian communities of the same denomination and IDLD rating.  


A study found that members of SRA-affiliated parties have the highest levels of access to and use of information technology of any caucus, save the now-defunct [[Direct Democratic Front]].


==Membership==
==Membership==