Federalist Republican Alliance: Difference between revisions

Beginning in 21205, a number of factors combined to undermine the SRA's long-dominant position in Kiravian politics. Structurally speaking, the trend of substantial economic growth engendered by SRA policies sustained since the 21180s began to level off, weakening the caucus's rhetorical angle as the party of growth and leading many Kiravians to question their hitherto enthusiastic embrace of market liberalism. Internally, partially as a response to the rise of the Caucus of Justice's reformist wing and the CSU's centrist Christian democratic wing, the caucus' member parties became increasingly identified (and identified themselves) with economic liberalism at the expense of its historically values-grounded Shaftonist identity. As these competing factions began to offer middle-class voters suitably familiar ordoliberal fiscal policies, many state parties and politicians with prominent national profiles shifted toward a more strongly {{wp|neoliberalism|neoliberal}} stance.

While SRA control of state legislatures and its share of Federal Stanora seats had been in gradual decline for about a decade, two events cemented the caucus' deposition as the nationwide ruling party. The first was the Constitutional Protection Agency leaks scandal of mid-21205 which revealed an extensive record of electoral, campaign finance, and other legal violations by SRA, CSU, and DDF officials, including members of the Stanora, state politicians, and state party staff. This scandal precipitated the resignation of 19 SRA Delegates, including Chancellor Sārden Ēvūrverd, and forced the caucus to enter into a coalition with the Caucus of Justice and Coscivian National Congress. The Ixnay Economic Crash of 21206 ahead of that year's federal elections proved a crippling blow to the caucus by igniting popular opposition to its internationalist and more recently pronounced neoliberal leanings, allowing other caucuss to attack its historic closeness to the financial industry and multinational business, and heightening interest in {{wp|distributism|distributist economics}} through the [[Authentic Living Movement]].

In recent years, other caucuses have eroded the SRA's dominance by building inroads with its metropolitan middle-class base. An extensive study commissioned by the SR Federal Conference analysing the evolving geographic dimensions of voting patterns in metropolitan areas found that since 21195 CSU-affiliated parties have become much more competitive in inner-ring suburbs and satellite cities that had previously been reliably Shaftonist-Republican. It also found that while parties in the reformist wing of the [[Caucus of Justice]] had begun to perform well (particularly in state and local elections) in many exurban areas - the strongest and most consistent areas of SRA support - this success appears to be transitional, with support for SRA parties increasing as land development progresses. At the state and local level, SRA affiliates have benefitted greatly from the suburbanisation process that accompanied the "maturation" of the Kiravian capitalist economy, losing influence in urban cores but cementing dominance over the  expanding ''{{wp|Mandala (political model)|mandala}}'' of suburbs, exurbs, boomburbs, edge cities, and satellite cities, as well as becoming more competitive in many struggling micropolitan areas being revitalised by out-migration from major cities.