Agriculture in Great Kirav and Housing in Urcea: Difference between pages

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[[File:Potato Mound near Nampo North Korea.jpg|thumb|The ubiquitous potato field]]
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'''Agriculture in [[Great Kirav]]''' is a major economic activity underpinning local and regional economies across most of the island continent's land area.  
'''Housing in Urcea''' is a vital sector in the [[Economy of Urcea|Urcean economy]], with housing development and adjacent activity comprising approximately a tenth of all economic activity as of 2020. Urceans have strong social views on housing and housing strongly relates to Urcea's view of itself and its relationship with both private property and {{wp|Catholic social teaching}}. Since the mid-20th century, [[Disurbanism|disurbanist approaches]] have been popular in [[Urcea]]. Much of Urcea's housing stock was constructed in the form of low density {{wp|suburban}} single family homes following the [[Second Great War]], although since the 1980s the priority has shifted to even lower-density exurban development due to both environmental and social concerns.


As a result of its [[Prehistory of Great Kirav|natural history]], the agricultural endowment of the island continent includes both Old World and New World species, and has been supplemented by crops and animals introduced from other continents, such as wheat and cattle.
In [[Urcea]], housing policy issues are typically regulated by the [[Ministry_of_Administration_of_the_Realm_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Housing_Development|Agency for Housing Development]] outside of cities and the [[Ministry_of_Administration_of_the_Realm_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Urban_Development|Agency for Urban Development]] within cities. The Agency for Urban Development also works closely with the [[Ministry_of_Administration_of_the_Realm_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Royal_Public_Housing_and_Royal_Dormitory_Aid|Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid]] to identify and develop new public housing opportunities.


Even with modern improvements in agronomy, Mainland Kiravian agriculture is insufficiently productive to satisfy enormous domestic demand, and most of the island continent’s food supply is imported, mainly from Levantia, Sarpedon, and South Crona.
==History and overview==
===Enclosure===
{{wp|Enclosure}}, the process by which land held in common is transferred to private ownership (especially within the context of the {{wp|Feudal system}}) took place from approximately the end of the [[Saint's War]] in 1401 to the beginning of the [[Caroline Wars]] in 1740, during which time the vast majority of land held in common was enclosed for ownership. While much of the land was enclosed on behalf of local magnates, a great portion of it - especially following the weakening of the nobility during the [[Great Confessional War]] - was enclosed into relatively small parcels on behalf of the urban [[Social class in Urcea#Privilegiata|privilegiata]]. Unlike many other countries, however, anti-enclosure sentiments gained many successes in the period of the 17th century and onward. Balancing the various [[Social class in Urcea|social classes]] became an increasing concern to the [[Apostolic King of Urcea|Apostolic King]] and [[Government of Urcea|His Governments]] in the wake of the social upheavel of the Great Confessional War and subsequent [[History_of_Urcea_(1575-1798)#Gassavelian_integration_and_uprising|Gassavelian uprising]]. Accordingly, considerable amounts of common land began to be preserved beginning in 1620 onward, though these sentiments slowed rather than halted the process of enclosure. By 1740, further enclosure was prohibited by law, but conflicting and inconsistent land title deeds for enclosed lands existed, inaugurating more than two hundred years of legal disputes until land surveyance and commune reform efforts succeeded in [[Housing_in_Urcea#Proprietor_communes|in the 1950s]].


[[Æonara#Economy|Agriculture in Æonara]] and in other parts of the Kiravian Federacy and Collectivity, such as [[Dysona#Agriculture|Dysona]], are covered separately.
===Attitudes===
===Suburban rise and fall===
===Passage of the Family Living Act===
{{Main|Family Living Act of 2003}}


==Crops==
==Public housing==
===Potato===
Public housing in [[Urcea]] is generally overseen by the [[Ministry_of_Administration_of_the_Realm_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Royal_Public_Housing_and_Royal_Dormitory_Aid|Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid]] or by provincial and local governments. Since the 1960s, the Agency has had specific policies for public housing, preferring to maintain single or multi-family rent controlled units within the same neighborhood within cities rather than {{wp|tower blocks}}. The general prohibition on tower blocks came about largely as both an ideological one as well as problems encountered in constructing them in the Urceopolis borough of [[Urceopolis_(City)#Campori|Campori]] following the [[Second Great War]]. The Agency is responsible for the general property maintenance of these facilities in conjunction with the occupants in the case of single family houses. Several "legacy" {{wp|tower blocks}} public housing projects exist as well, especially in and around [[Urceopolis (City)|Urceopolis]].
{{Cquote|Eat the potato now, or ferment it for later? This is the perpetual dilemma of our People.
|author= [[Shaftonism|Shafto]]
|source= ''Analects of Shafto the Wise''
}}
<br>
[[File:Lovington Church and Chips - geograph.org.uk - 710665.jpg|thumb|Potato harvest in [[Irovasdra]] State]]
The {{wp|potato}} (Coscivian: ''ēln'') is the most important food crop in Great Kirav, and has been since the dawn of agriculture. Potato began to be domesticated as early as 25,000 years ago in the central latitudes of the Western Highlands. The potato plant's remarkable ability to thrive in cool climates and subprime soil conditions made it indispensible to early Kiravian farmers and an enduring staple of the Kiravian diet. Indeed, the potato is credited with enabling {{wp|sedentarisation}} of the proto-Coscivian tribes and, indirectly, the rise of Coscivian civilisation proper. Potato is grown throughout Great Kirav, but more so in the north and west. It is the dominant crop in the more marginal lands that make up much of the continent.


Potato planting season typically begins in early spring, depending on the temperature and soil conditions. Observance of the vernal equinox festival [[Élív]] includes traditions that celebrate a successful planting effort. Farmers prepare the soil by plowing, harrowing, and levelling it before planting the seed potatoes. The seed potatoes are placed in furrows, and then covered with a layer of soil. Manual cultivators accomplish this with the aid of a [[Mattocks in Kiravian culture|mattock]]. As the plants grow, they are {{wp|Hilling|hilled}}, meaning that more soil is piled around the base of the plant to support it and prevent the tubers from exposure to sunlight. This helps to prevent a {{wp|Solanine#In_potatoes|green tinge}} that may affect the flavour and nutritional value of the potatoes. Most parts of Great Kirav regularly experience chilly and wet weather conditions, which can be challenging during the growing season. Frost poses a great danger to the crop in the critical periods just after planting and just before harvest. To protect the potato, farmers may install protective coverings, such as transparent films, over the fields. Harvest usually takes place in the autumn as the leaves start to turn yellow and die back. The potatoes are harvested with machines or by hand, then cleaned, graded, and sorted for distribution. After harvesting, the potato  is stored in cool, dry conditions to preserve its quality. The harvest time is celebrated with festivals and fairs, where people can taste different varieties, buy fresh produce, and enjoy other cultural activities.
==Private housing==


Potato is used in many dishes such as {{wp|potato pancakes}}, {{wp|potato soup}}, {{wp|potato dumplings}}, and {{wp|potato casseroles}}, and can also be milled into {{wp|potato flour}} for baking. Beyond human consumption, the potato is also used to produce alcoholic spirits (''thasstraśum'') and industrial starches, and as fodder for pigs.
Most [[Urcea|Urceans]] live in a {{wp|single family home}} or low-unit multi-family home according to surveys conducted over the course of the 2010s. Urcean society places a high value on home ownership, and private housing enjoys pride of place among types of housing in Urcea. As part of these efforts, the [[Ministry_of_Administration_of_the_Realm_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Royal_Public_Housing_and_Royal_Dormitory_Aid|Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid]] provides subsidies to lower income families as part of the Royal Dormitory Aid program in order to encourage ownership.


[[Saint Bran]] is the patron saint of potato farmers.
===Urban===
====Single family====
====Multi family and apartments====
===Suburban===
{{wp|Suburban}} development was the primary form of housing development during the 20th century in [[Urcea]] and comprises a large plurality of the nation's housing stock. From the end of the [[Second Great War]] to the end of the century, government policy, economic factors, and social attitudes drove the creation of Urcea's suburbs. By the end of the century, suburban sprawl comprised most of [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]], with relatively close together single family homes extending out from [[Urceopolis (City)|Urceopolis]] especially. Suburban development in other areas of the country also occurred but to a less sprawling extent given the population and relative population density of the [[Archduchy of Urceopolis]] and its surrounding provinces. Many social commentators by the 1980s had begun to grow concerned regarding suburban sprawl due to environmental concerns (including both waste and pollution) as well as social concerns, as many perceived a kind of isolation and alienation from the extended family and estate [[Culture_of_Urcea#Kinship|kinship groups]] on which Urcean society was traditionally organized. Suburban development began to wane during this time in favor of exurban development, which developed both due to public policy pressures and market forces interested in different models; this shift had the practical effect of causing massive disruption in Urcea's [[Economy_of_Urcea#Construction|construction industry]]. The [[Family Living Act of 2003]] essentially prohibited the construction of new, "core suburbs" and subsequent legislation has created large preservation areas around [[Urcea]] and particularly within [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]]. The preservation areas, which not only preserve existing natural areas but also has properties and homes default to the government for demolition in the event of no property heir or in the event of foreclosure, has had the unintended effect of decreasing the Kingdom's housing stock according to many policy analysts and {{wp|Non-governmental organization|non-governmental organizations}}.


===Cereals===
===Exurban===
{|style="margin: 0 auto;"
{{wp|Exurbs|Exurban}} development has comprised the large part of [[Urcea|Urcean]] real estate development since the mid-1980s reflecting increased distances from urban centers as well as changing social views.
| [[File:Avena sativa 004.JPG|thumb|upright|alt=idk, some shit|''Vuoln'' (Oats)]]
| [[File:Fagopyrum гречка.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=William F. Buckwheat|{{wp|Polygonum erectum|Coscivian cuckwheat}}]]
| [[File:Triticale (Grandval) Cl J Weber07 (24084215775).jpg|thumb|upright|alt=idk, some shit|''Dralm'']]
|-
|}


The principal grain crops grown in Great Kirav are the Three Reliables: Rye and wildrye, {{wp|buckwheat|Coscivian cuckwheat}}, and {{wp|oats}}, along with barley, wheat, and triticale.  
In [[2003]], the [[Concilium Daoni]] led by [[Michael Witte]] enacted the [[Family Living Act of 2003|Family Living Act]] (FLA), which establishes several rules governing the construction of multiple structures on a property by real estate developers intending to sell the land, known as {{wp|Subdivision (land)|subdivisions}}. Among other provisions, the FLA requires that contractors must first offer a condensed area within a development (intended to describe cul de sacs and other insular portions) to bidding by extended family groups before individually selling each house. In effect, this law has had the effect of making many portions of neighborhoods or even entire housing developments being comprised of related individuals. Since a considerable portion of Urcea's single-family housing stock has been constructed since 2003, the policy has had a large impact on Urcean housing and social relations, with many policy analysts calling the project a "major success" in restoring the proximity of extended families. Critics have said that the FLA has had the effect of artificially raising the price of homes and home ownership while suppressing housing stock and discouraging development.


Coscivian cultures conflate two distinct cereal grasses - ''Secale cereale'' or "true rye" and ''{{wp|Elymus (plant)|Elymus borealis}}'' or "wildrye" - under the label of "rye" (Kiravic: ''dralm'', South Coscivian: ''drallion''). Numerous cultivars of ''Elymus borealis'' have been cultivated in different regions and microclimatic zones of Great Kirav for centuries. True rye was most likely introduced from what is now [[Faneria]] during the Second Empire. Kiravian farmers were early adopters of {{wp|triticale}}, production of which continues to expand in traditionally rye-growing areas. Indeed, it has been proposed numerous times that [[Agriculture_in_Great_Kirav#Policy|federal agriculture subsidies]] be amended to include cash incentives for rye farmers to transition to triticale instead, though such proposals have not yet been adopted.
====Urban town and country====
[[File:GlensFalls.jpeg|thumb|left|200px|Marchts, a small town in [[Hardinán]], exemplifies urban town and country design mostly utilizing older structures instead of new builds.]]
The primary design philosophy of exurban development in [[Urcea]] revolves around the notion of creating "urban town and country" (UTC), a design which has grown in frequency and popularity since the end of the 20th century. Though they existed prior to [[2003]], the [[Family Living Act of 2003]] introduced significant economic incentives for the design and construction of this style of development. Urban town and country design creates areas of moderate density housing, typically one to two blocks of {{wp|5-over-1}}s (or earlier mixed use structures) surrounding a {{wp|village green}}, {{wp|town square}}, or {{wp|roundabout}} park, surrounded by consistent low density housing with secluded cul de sacs and streets with large plots for homes separated by greenspaces and trees. This design is intended to allow individuals who can not own a home - either due to being short term transients to an area, lack of income, or some other reason - to live in rental units in and around the "central square" while simultaneously providing retail spaces - usually small businesses - in the central area. The "downtown area" is usually made up of several small retail outlets with restaurants in freestanding areas with parking, and this area is usually serviced by a [[Rail transportation in Urcea|rail-fed]] warehouse located on the periphery of town. Besides residential areas, churches schools, and libraries, and one to two large parking structures (depending on the size of the area) are intended to be constructed directly adjacent to the central square area for easy access to services by local residents. Since 2018 and 2019, most new UTCs are required to provide electric charging stations both in homes and in the public spaces, and many companies exist to transition existing UTC areas to electric compatibility on a large scale.


The best farmland, much of which is concentrated in South Kirav and the warmer latitudes of the Baylands and Farravonia, is dedicated mainly to wheat, barley, and (increasingly) maize, as far as cereals are concerned. Hard red winter wheat is grown in drier mesotemperate areas of the interior, while durum wheat and other varieties are grown mainly in the South. Rye ''cum'' wildrye cultivation is well-established the upper supratemperate, hemiboreal, and boreal zones of Great Kirav, on account of the climatic conditions that make it difficult to grow other grains. "Rye" (''sensu lato'') and oats are resilient crops that tolerate lower temperatures and require shorter growing seasons than other grains, and thus can grow well in the harsh North Kiravian climate, with some especially hardy wildrye cultivars, such as [[Irovasdra]] alpine wildrye, being viable on a subsistence scale even at the highest arable altitudes and in the northernmost mesoboreal regions on the [[Coscivian Sea]]. Rye is often planted in the fall and harvested the following summer. Kiravian cereal farmers often practice crop rotation, where they alternate rye/wildrye with other crops such as barley, oats, or potatoes. This helps maintain healthy soil and prevents disease vectors and pest populations from building up. As a short-season crop that requires little in the way of fertilisers and pesticides, cuckwheat is often planted between primary rotations. In a few regions, such as southern [[Kannur]], it can be planted as a double crop. Coscivian cuckwheat is also prized as a pollen source to support {{wp|apiculture}}.
Most UTCs have only one or two major roads leading to the town square area, with small limited access urban neighborhood roads radiating outwards. The larger roads are typically multiple lanes in order to allow for commercial traffic to efficiently enter and exit the community. The major roads in UTCs typically lead to other UTCs or to highway access, while most of them also have a degree of access to {{wp|park and ride}}s and mass transit options. These transit options were enhanced with direct government subsidies to local public transit corporations with the Connectivity Act of 2012.


===Vegetables===
===Proprietor communes===
Throughout [[Urcea]], small parts of land which escaped {{wp|enclosure}} exist. Efforts were made during the 19th and 20th century to create a stable legal framework for these entities to survive, and accordingly the distinction of a "proprietor commune" or PC exists within law. The creation of PCs was the result of massive land surveyance efforts conducted in the immediate wake of the [[Second Great War]] in the 1940s and 50s, as individuals living on ancestral communal land objected to encroaching real estate developers; the [[Government of Urcea]] issued a large number of charters for these lands in 1954. PCs are governed by the [[Consolidated_Laws_of_HMCM%27s_Kingdom_and_State#List_of_chapters|Alternative Housing Law]]. PCs are lands in which the title is held by a corporation consisting of all of the residents within it, and accordingly all lands under a corporate charter are owned in common. PCs can only be dissolved with a supermajority of members voting in favor. Most charters individually lay out the terms on which individuals and families can build structures within the commune, but most provide for an enforceable prohibition on trespassing, ensuring a kind of private property for homeowners. Charters also give the communes wide latitude to establish standards for structures within the PC while not totally exempting them from local and provincial zoning laws. In effect, PCs function in a similar manner to {{wp|home owners associations}} and collect fees. [[Levantine banking and finance|Banks]] are [[Family_Living_Act_of_2003#Protections_for_Proprietor_Communes|prohibited by law from discriminating against PCs]] and mortgages for individual homes are often assumed by the entire commune, who then levy the costs on the individual home resident.


The {{wp|sugar beet}} is a Levantine crop introduced to Kiravia during the 19th century AD. It has naturalised exceedingly well and is cultivated in moderate concentrations, mainly in and around the Lake Belt, but also in parts of Farravonia and certain Western Highland valleys. Sugar beet accounts for about 70% of Kiravian domestic {{wp|table sugar}} production, with the remainder from {{wp|sugarcane|cane}}, grown mainly in [[Sarolasta]].
[[Category: Urcea]]
 
[[Category: Culture of Urcea]]
[Cruciferous vegetables]
[Allium]
 
===Hops===
Hops are mainly grown in areas with an oceanic climate. Major hop-growing regions include the West Coast, South, and parts of the Eastern Highlands and Central Uplands. Kiravian hops supply the Kiravian brewing industry and are also exported.
 
Pre-mechanisation hop cultivation relied on a large seasonal labour force that migrated annually between hop-producing areas and areas of off-season employment. These workers came to regard themselves as distinct social groups known as the [[Hoppers|hop clans]].
===Fruit===
Great Kirav has a considerable, if underappreciated, fruit output.
 
Blessed with enormous swathes of of cool, acidic bog land presenting ideal conditions for their cultivation, Great Kirav is a leading producer and exporter of {{wp|cranberries}}, which are grown extensively in the wetlands of [[Niyaska]], [[Ilánova]], [[Knassania]] Northeast Kirav, and the Lake Belt provinces.
 
===Feed and Forage===
{|style="margin: 0 auto;"
| [[File:Trèfle (132629543).jpeg|thumb|upright|alt=idk, some shit|{{wp|Clover}}]]
| [[File:Thinopyrum intermedium crossing block.JPG|thumb|upright|alt=William F. Buckwheat|{{wp|Thinopyrum intermedium|Sodgrass}}]]
| [[File:Bromus kalmii EPA-3.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=idk, some shit|{{wp|Bromus kalmii|Arctic brome}}]]
|-
|}
A sizeable share of Great Kirav's agricultural output goes toward sustaining its livestock industry. In addition to byproducts of crops harvested for human or industrial consumption, such as {{wp|oilcake}}, there are several plant species grown largely or primarily for use as animal fodder and forage. Forage plants often predominate as groundcover on land too marginal to support intensive cultivation of food crops.
<br>
 
===Industrial crops===
[[File:RapeseedFields.jpg|thumb|Rapeseed fields in [[Elegia]]]]
Kiravia is a major producer of rapeseed, which by most measures is its most valuable non-food crop. In supratemperate or hemiboreal regions with oceanic or suboceanic climates, such as the maritime Northwest and certain parts of the Lake Belt, rapeseed is typically grown as a winter crop, sown in late summer or early autumn and harvested in late spring or early summer. However, it can also be cultivated as a spring crop, depending on the region and local weather conditions. The crop is typically sown by direct drilling or broadcasting, and requires regular fertilization and pest control. In supratemperate regions with a continental climate, rapeseed is typically grown as a spring crop, sown in early spring and harvested in late summer. The crop requires similar soil and climate conditions to those in oceanic regions, though farmers in continental climates are more reliant on conventional tillage methods and crop rotation to maintain soil fertility and improve crop yield.
 
Rapeseed oil has been used by Kiravians since time immemorial as a cooking oil, and was the predominant vegetable oil used in Kiravian cuisine before exposure to imported {{wp|olive oil}} and other alternatives. In modern times, the oil is still in very high demand for a wide range of applications, most prominently for the production of biodiesel, as an ingredient in mass-produced {{wp|margarine}}, {{wp|mayonnaise}}, and other condiments, and for industrial use in paints, lubricants, and soaps. It is Great Kirav's most important agricultural export.
 
Minor oilcrops grown in Great Kirav include {{wp|safflower}} (grown mainly in [[Îkodha]]) and {{wp|sunflower}}, grown mainly in the South and in Kaviska.
 
Flax was once grown in large quantities in the South, inland Farravonian valleys, and the northern plains, from Kastera westward to Îkodha and Asperidan. It was valuable as animal fodder and as an oilcrop, but most of all as a textile fibre. A reliable domestic flax supply was once of strategic importance due to its use in weaving {{wp|sailcloth}}. Although Great Kirav is still a significant flax producer, the value of this commodity has diminished under pressure from more cost-effective synthetic fibres and oils, and cultivation has contracted accordingly.
 
{{wp|Horsetails}} are abundant in moist environments across the continent, and have been harvested by Kiravians since prehistoric times. ''Equisetum arvense'' was used for medicinal purposes and eaten boiled or grilled as a vegetable. In pre-industrial times, ''Equisetum hyemale'' was grown in kitchen gardens and its stems used for scouring pots and pans, as well as for sanding and polishing wood. Horsetails are still used for scullery work by many rural households, especially in Third Kirav. Some suburban households have taken to growing horsetails in drainage ditches and catchments in order to access provincial tax benefits.
 
===Other Crops===
Other important agricultural products include:
*'''Allium:''' {{wp|Onion}}, {{wp|garlic}}, {{wp|scallion}}, {{wp|shallot}}, {{wp|leek}}, and {{wp|chives}}
*'''Starch crops:''' {{wp|Kudzu|Mountain vine}}, {{wp|Arracacha|Crisp potato}}, {{wp|Chondrus_crispus|Kirish moss}}
*'''Thanksgiving shit:''' {{wp|Pumpkins}}, {{wp|gourds}}, {{wp|squash}}
*'''Deez Nuts:''' {{wp|Hazelnut}}, {{wp|Shag hickory|Shagnut}}, {{wp|Chestnut}}
 
The northernmost plant farm in Great Kirav (''sensu lato'') and in the Kiravian Federacy is located in County Kennard on the satellite island of [[Rhuon]]. The 60-hectare estate of rocky arctic meadowland grows ''{{wp|Rhodiola_rosea}}'' for sale to herbal supplement companies. According to its owner, Oxus Ypsōdriv, the farm is "not profitable, but not much work either."
 
==Stock==
[[File:Guanacos-llamas-el-primero-imagen-en-europa-1553.jpg|thumb|Domestic {{wp|camelids}} depicted in a woodcut]]
<!-- need a coscivia  word nn coscivin an coscivian word to repla slsce replacs llama and alpaca -->
Stock rearing has always been important to sustaining the Kiravian way of life. Pastoralism is especially important in the numerous area of Great Kirav that are ill-suited to intensive arable farming, such as the upper boreal regions, alpine meadows and tundra, dry leeward mountain slopes, and inner-northwestern temperate grasslands. Kiravians rear animals for meat, milk, hide, horn, and other valuable products, such as insulin. {{wp|Wool}}, from camelids and [[sheep]] alike, is a top agricultural export.
 
Many lowland pastoral regions of Great Kirav, such as [[Venèra]] and [[Harma]], are characterised by a {{wp|bocage}} landscape in which parcels of land are separated by dense (and often very old) {{wp|hedgerows}} and wooded berms to facilitate herd management and protect crop fields from grazing livestock. In other regions, such as [[Vôtaska]] and [[Elegia]], {{wp|silvopasture}} is the norm. Open rangeland grazing is most common in [[Korlēdan]], [[Îkodha]], [[Enscirya]], and the South.
 
Also [[sheep]].
===Swine===
[[File:Vildsvinssugga som boar.jpg|thumb|A pig foraging in the [[Trinatria]]n piedmont]]
 
Suids were likely the first large mammals domesticated by prehistoric Kiravians. The Old Kiravian hog is a domestic variant of the native {{wp|Sus strozzi|Nearctic bearded boar}}, wild relict populations of which survive in a few biosphere reserves. Modern swine stocks in Kiravia are generally of mixed ancestry, descending mainly from the Levanto-Sarpic common hog and with a substantial (though gradually declining) share of Nearctic boar heritage. Pure-bred Old Kiravian hogs are raised as a heritage breed, mostly by smaller farms as a specialty product.
 
For most of recorded Kiravian history, swine were the primary source of meat. Pork and pork products remain the most widely consumed form of meat in the country (fish and fowl excluded), though beef has been steadily gaining ground since the end of Kirosocialism. The swine industry in Great Kirav has been steadily growing since the market reforms of the 1980s AD. Improved access to technology and capital has contributed greatly to this success. For example; Kiravian winters can be harsh, especially in the North and interior, and as such, many swine farmers have developed insulated and climate-controlled facilities to regulate indoor temperatures during extreme weather conditions.The construction of high-capacity climate-controlled swine shelters has greatly improved herd health and meat yields. Improved antibiotics and other inputs have similarly reduced losses and widened profit margins for farmers.
 
Early urban centres in Kirav employed pigs for sanitation purposes, making use of {{wp|pig toilet|pig latrines}} to process human excrement. Pig latrines are fairly rare today, but remain in use by some rural households and remote hamlets in less developed inland states. They are most common in [[Kyllera]], where about a quarter of Coscivian households feed into pig-based waste management systems (PBWMS).
 
Pig farming is banned in some predominantly Muslim countyships in the Kiravian South.
 
===Cattle===
The first attempt to introduce cattle to inland Kirav was made in 25XD4+2Q [[Coscivian calendar|CC]] by Oranibur Kaisthev, chancellor to the King of the Antarans. Kaisthev purchased some 400 head of Urcean longhorn cattle to increase the king’s revenues from montane pasturelands. However, upon their delivery to what is now County Upśur in [[Verakośa]], the cattle were immediately slaughtered by terrified locals, who recognised them as the Devil’s hounds. Subsequent attempts were foiled along the same lines.
 
[[Korlēdan]] is the leading beef-producing state in Great Kirav. In recent years, beef enterprises in Korlēdan have been consolidating under a local affiliate of the [[Federation of Corummese Beef Producers]].
[[File:Dende a Garita de Erbeira 02.JPG|thumb|'Farrvonian Blonde' cattle in Metrea]]
 
===Dogs===
A pygmy dog breed known in Ænglish as the {{wp|Chihuahua|Kirish game hound}} is raised for meat, mainly in the interior and parts of the Baylands. Dogmeat was historically regarded as poor man's fare, but has recently undergone something of a lobster effect and become fashionable among the élite. Consumption of dogmeat was on the decline for much of the modern era, but rapidly expanded during the latter half of the Kirosocialist period due to food scarcity caused by the command economy. As dogs were outside the scope of government planning and not regulated as livestock, they could be raised for sale on the {{wp|black market}} without fear of criminal penalty. Contemporary production is mainly for the domestic market, due to low foreign demand and legal prohibitions in many countries.
 
==Economics==
===Landholding, Enterprise Types, and Labour Relations===
===Policy===
Although the share of GDP and employment generated by agriculture has steadily declined since industrialisation, agriculture remains politically important in the Kiravian Federacy. Maintaining a robust agricultural sector in Great Kirav is seen as critical to building a distributed economy and improving regional balance, and for mitigating the island continent's food insecurity as a strategic vulnerability for the Federacy at large. Like many temperate industrialised countries, Kiravia generously subsidises its agricultural sector. Federal subsidies to agriculture in Great Kirav (both the Federation and the South) and Æonara are consolidated under a series of [[Index of Kiravian Legislation#Recurring|Triennial Agriculture Acts]] and administered by the [[Kiravian Agricultural Executive|Agricultural Executive]]. The federal subsidy programme covers all of the major food staples and cash crops discussed at length in this article; additional subsidies are extended by provincial governments, and often cover smaller-volume crops, emerging products, and regional specialties with a more limited geographic footprint. In addition to protection of the domestic agricultural sector, the Triennial Agricultural Acts address adjacent policy concerns, such as erosion and runoff mitigation, {{wp|biosecurity}}, and the preservation of agricultural heritage. The Agricultural Executive also administers the Agricultural Reform Fund, which disburses payments to large landowners dispossessed by the Kiravian Union.
 
===Markets===
Agricultural futures and options are traded on several domestic exchanges. Exchanges whose soft-commodity contracts specify delivery points in Great Kirav are as follows:
 
*'''[[Escarda]] Grand Exchange''' - Potato, rye, elymus, cuckwheat, oats, triticale, feed clover, canola, milk, lean hogs, frozen pork bellies, broiler chickens, beet sugar, maple sugar,
*'''[[Saar-Silverda|Silverda]] Mercantile Exchange''' - Potato, hops, crisp potato, Kirish seamoss starch, mountain vine starch, 
*'''[[Primóra]] House of Trade''' - Barley, hops, wheat, ''kalir''
*'''[[Cities_of_Kiravia#Xéluev|Xéulev]] Hall of Onions''' - Onions, leeks, cuckwheat, poultry preparations
 
===Exports===
Agricultural exports from Great Kirav, whether to the Kiravian colonies or foreign nations, are dwarfed by the massive scale of its imports and consist mainly of nonfood products. Key agricultural exports include hops and other brewing factors, canola and canola oil, dairy products, wool, ''kalir'', flax fibre, potato-derived industrial starches, treenuts and treenut oils, and soaking herbs.
 
Since the return of capitalism, there have been efforts by the government and agricultural coöperatives such as the [[Kiravian Dairy Board]] to promote agricultural exports to foreign markets.
 
==See Also==
*[[Kiravian cuisine]]
*[[Agrarian paramilitarism in Kiravia]]
*[[Forestry in Kiravia]]
 
[[Category:Kiravia]]
[[Category:Stuff in Kiravia]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category: 2022 Award winning pages]]

Revision as of 11:25, 13 July 2023

Housing in Urcea is a vital sector in the Urcean economy, with housing development and adjacent activity comprising approximately a tenth of all economic activity as of 2020. Urceans have strong social views on housing and housing strongly relates to Urcea's view of itself and its relationship with both private property and Catholic social teaching. Since the mid-20th century, disurbanist approaches have been popular in Urcea. Much of Urcea's housing stock was constructed in the form of low density suburban single family homes following the Second Great War, although since the 1980s the priority has shifted to even lower-density exurban development due to both environmental and social concerns.

In Urcea, housing policy issues are typically regulated by the Agency for Housing Development outside of cities and the Agency for Urban Development within cities. The Agency for Urban Development also works closely with the Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid to identify and develop new public housing opportunities.

History and overview

Enclosure

Enclosure, the process by which land held in common is transferred to private ownership (especially within the context of the Feudal system) took place from approximately the end of the Saint's War in 1401 to the beginning of the Caroline Wars in 1740, during which time the vast majority of land held in common was enclosed for ownership. While much of the land was enclosed on behalf of local magnates, a great portion of it - especially following the weakening of the nobility during the Great Confessional War - was enclosed into relatively small parcels on behalf of the urban privilegiata. Unlike many other countries, however, anti-enclosure sentiments gained many successes in the period of the 17th century and onward. Balancing the various social classes became an increasing concern to the Apostolic King and His Governments in the wake of the social upheavel of the Great Confessional War and subsequent Gassavelian uprising. Accordingly, considerable amounts of common land began to be preserved beginning in 1620 onward, though these sentiments slowed rather than halted the process of enclosure. By 1740, further enclosure was prohibited by law, but conflicting and inconsistent land title deeds for enclosed lands existed, inaugurating more than two hundred years of legal disputes until land surveyance and commune reform efforts succeeded in in the 1950s.

Attitudes

Suburban rise and fall

Passage of the Family Living Act

Main article: Family Living Act of 2003

Public housing

Public housing in Urcea is generally overseen by the Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid or by provincial and local governments. Since the 1960s, the Agency has had specific policies for public housing, preferring to maintain single or multi-family rent controlled units within the same neighborhood within cities rather than tower blocks. The general prohibition on tower blocks came about largely as both an ideological one as well as problems encountered in constructing them in the Urceopolis borough of Campori following the Second Great War. The Agency is responsible for the general property maintenance of these facilities in conjunction with the occupants in the case of single family houses. Several "legacy" tower blocks public housing projects exist as well, especially in and around Urceopolis.

Private housing

Most Urceans live in a single family home or low-unit multi-family home according to surveys conducted over the course of the 2010s. Urcean society places a high value on home ownership, and private housing enjoys pride of place among types of housing in Urcea. As part of these efforts, the Agency for Royal Public Housing and Royal Dormitory Aid provides subsidies to lower income families as part of the Royal Dormitory Aid program in order to encourage ownership.

Urban

Single family

Multi family and apartments

Suburban

Suburban development was the primary form of housing development during the 20th century in Urcea and comprises a large plurality of the nation's housing stock. From the end of the Second Great War to the end of the century, government policy, economic factors, and social attitudes drove the creation of Urcea's suburbs. By the end of the century, suburban sprawl comprised most of the Valley, with relatively close together single family homes extending out from Urceopolis especially. Suburban development in other areas of the country also occurred but to a less sprawling extent given the population and relative population density of the Archduchy of Urceopolis and its surrounding provinces. Many social commentators by the 1980s had begun to grow concerned regarding suburban sprawl due to environmental concerns (including both waste and pollution) as well as social concerns, as many perceived a kind of isolation and alienation from the extended family and estate kinship groups on which Urcean society was traditionally organized. Suburban development began to wane during this time in favor of exurban development, which developed both due to public policy pressures and market forces interested in different models; this shift had the practical effect of causing massive disruption in Urcea's construction industry. The Family Living Act of 2003 essentially prohibited the construction of new, "core suburbs" and subsequent legislation has created large preservation areas around Urcea and particularly within the Valley. The preservation areas, which not only preserve existing natural areas but also has properties and homes default to the government for demolition in the event of no property heir or in the event of foreclosure, has had the unintended effect of decreasing the Kingdom's housing stock according to many policy analysts and non-governmental organizations.

Exurban

Exurban development has comprised the large part of Urcean real estate development since the mid-1980s reflecting increased distances from urban centers as well as changing social views.

In 2003, the Concilium Daoni led by Michael Witte enacted the Family Living Act (FLA), which establishes several rules governing the construction of multiple structures on a property by real estate developers intending to sell the land, known as subdivisions. Among other provisions, the FLA requires that contractors must first offer a condensed area within a development (intended to describe cul de sacs and other insular portions) to bidding by extended family groups before individually selling each house. In effect, this law has had the effect of making many portions of neighborhoods or even entire housing developments being comprised of related individuals. Since a considerable portion of Urcea's single-family housing stock has been constructed since 2003, the policy has had a large impact on Urcean housing and social relations, with many policy analysts calling the project a "major success" in restoring the proximity of extended families. Critics have said that the FLA has had the effect of artificially raising the price of homes and home ownership while suppressing housing stock and discouraging development.

Urban town and country

Marchts, a small town in Hardinán, exemplifies urban town and country design mostly utilizing older structures instead of new builds.

The primary design philosophy of exurban development in Urcea revolves around the notion of creating "urban town and country" (UTC), a design which has grown in frequency and popularity since the end of the 20th century. Though they existed prior to 2003, the Family Living Act of 2003 introduced significant economic incentives for the design and construction of this style of development. Urban town and country design creates areas of moderate density housing, typically one to two blocks of 5-over-1s (or earlier mixed use structures) surrounding a village green, town square, or roundabout park, surrounded by consistent low density housing with secluded cul de sacs and streets with large plots for homes separated by greenspaces and trees. This design is intended to allow individuals who can not own a home - either due to being short term transients to an area, lack of income, or some other reason - to live in rental units in and around the "central square" while simultaneously providing retail spaces - usually small businesses - in the central area. The "downtown area" is usually made up of several small retail outlets with restaurants in freestanding areas with parking, and this area is usually serviced by a rail-fed warehouse located on the periphery of town. Besides residential areas, churches schools, and libraries, and one to two large parking structures (depending on the size of the area) are intended to be constructed directly adjacent to the central square area for easy access to services by local residents. Since 2018 and 2019, most new UTCs are required to provide electric charging stations both in homes and in the public spaces, and many companies exist to transition existing UTC areas to electric compatibility on a large scale.

Most UTCs have only one or two major roads leading to the town square area, with small limited access urban neighborhood roads radiating outwards. The larger roads are typically multiple lanes in order to allow for commercial traffic to efficiently enter and exit the community. The major roads in UTCs typically lead to other UTCs or to highway access, while most of them also have a degree of access to park and rides and mass transit options. These transit options were enhanced with direct government subsidies to local public transit corporations with the Connectivity Act of 2012.

Proprietor communes

Throughout Urcea, small parts of land which escaped enclosure exist. Efforts were made during the 19th and 20th century to create a stable legal framework for these entities to survive, and accordingly the distinction of a "proprietor commune" or PC exists within law. The creation of PCs was the result of massive land surveyance efforts conducted in the immediate wake of the Second Great War in the 1940s and 50s, as individuals living on ancestral communal land objected to encroaching real estate developers; the Government of Urcea issued a large number of charters for these lands in 1954. PCs are governed by the Alternative Housing Law. PCs are lands in which the title is held by a corporation consisting of all of the residents within it, and accordingly all lands under a corporate charter are owned in common. PCs can only be dissolved with a supermajority of members voting in favor. Most charters individually lay out the terms on which individuals and families can build structures within the commune, but most provide for an enforceable prohibition on trespassing, ensuring a kind of private property for homeowners. Charters also give the communes wide latitude to establish standards for structures within the PC while not totally exempting them from local and provincial zoning laws. In effect, PCs function in a similar manner to home owners associations and collect fees. Banks are prohibited by law from discriminating against PCs and mortgages for individual homes are often assumed by the entire commune, who then levy the costs on the individual home resident.

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