Family Living Act of 2003: Difference between revisions

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[[File:Kingsim.jpg|thumb|right|200px|King Aedanicus IX signing the Family Living Act of 2003 into law.]]
 
The '''Family Living Act''' (FLA), formally known as '''An Act to amend the Executive Law, Multiple Dwelling and Residence Law, the Public Housing Law, the Real Property Law, and the Tax Law regarding sale of homes to extended family bidding entities and the development of property for residential use''', is a landmark [[Urcea]]n law enacted by the [[Concilium Daoni]] in [[2003]] and signed into law by King Aedanicus IX on March 23, 2003. It represents the most significant pieces of [[Housing in Urcea|housing]] and real estate law in the history of Urcea, and is considered one of the signature accomplishments of the administration of [[Procurator]] [[Michael Witte]].  
The '''Family Living Act''' (FLA), formally known as '''An Act to amend the Executive Law, Multiple Dwelling and Residence Law, the Public Housing Law, the Real Property Law, and the Tax Law regarding sale of homes to extended family bidding entities and the development of property for residential use''', is a landmark [[Urcea]]n law enacted by the [[Concilium Daoni]] in [[2003]] and signed into law by King Aedanicus IX on March 23, 2003. It represents the most significant pieces of housing and real estate law in the history of Urcea, and is considered one of the signature accomplishments of the administration of [[Procurator]] [[Michael Witte]].


The legislation had wide-reaching aims, including impeding the growth of {{wp|suburban}} sprawl throughout the country, reintegrating families and estates, preserving greenspace, and building durable "small urban" communities now known as the [[Housing_in_Urcea#Urban_town_and_country|Urban Town and Country (UTC)]] model.
The legislation had wide-reaching aims, including impeding the growth of {{wp|suburban}} sprawl throughout the country, reintegrating families and estates, preserving greenspace, and building durable "small urban" communities now known as the [[Housing_in_Urcea#Urban_town_and_country|Urban Town and Country (UTC)]] model.


==Background==
==Background==
[[File:Home construction in Auburn WA.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The overconstruction of suburban developments led to a burst construction bubble and many incomplete houses in the  mid-1990s.]]
Urcea's relatively large population began to explode with the rise of modern medicine and industrial agriculture in the early 20th century, necessitating a rapid need to expand housing. This took various forms until the [[Second Great War]], when public subsidies and incentives led to the creation of vast suburbs throughout [[Urcea]] and in [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]] specifically. From [[1950]] through around [[1990]], major new subdivisions were being constructed everywhere, and land area in Urcea was rapidly converted to suburban {{wp|sprawl}} as the late 20th century progressed. Despite the growing population, supply eventually exceeded demand. The housing boom had fueled a major construction industry bubble which burst in the 1990s, ending the expansion of sprawl. While the economics of sprawl slowed, social reformers and academics alike began to call into question the benefit of suburban lifestyles, citing social alienation and the destruction of Urcea's natural environment. The [[2000 Urcean elections|2000]] platform of the [[Commonwealth Union (Urcea)|Commonwealth Union]] under [[Michael Witte]] promised to stop the spread of sprawl under a platform item called "Rebuild Our Communities", which vaguely elucidated a plan to restore kinship living arrangements, end sprawl, and build durable communities not susceptible to economic exploitation or significant government welfare support. The housing and sprawl issue proved to be a popular one, with 14% of voters in the 2000 election citing it as their top issue that year. Witte and the Commonwealth Union won the election, beginning work in earnest on introducing comprehensive housing and development reform. These reforms would take root from ideas developed during the negotiations surrounding what would become the Family Living Act, but would also take language and ideas from development-reform legislation which had existed since the late 1980s.
Urcea's relatively large population began to explode with the rise of modern medicine and industrial agriculture in the early 20th century, necessitating a rapid need to expand housing. This took various forms until the [[Second Great War]], when public subsidies and incentives led to the creation of vast suburbs throughout [[Urcea]] and in [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]] specifically. From [[1950]] through around [[1990]], major new subdivisions were being constructed everywhere, and land area in Urcea was rapidly converted to suburban {{wp|sprawl}} as the late 20th century progressed. Despite the growing population, supply eventually exceeded demand. The housing boom had fueled a major construction industry bubble which burst in the 1990s, ending the expansion of sprawl. While the economics of sprawl slowed, social reformers and academics alike began to call into question the benefit of suburban lifestyles, citing social alienation and the destruction of Urcea's natural environment. The [[2000 Urcean elections|2000]] platform of the [[Commonwealth Union (Urcea)|Commonwealth Union]] under [[Michael Witte]] promised to stop the spread of sprawl under a platform item called "Rebuild Our Communities", which vaguely elucidated a plan to restore kinship living arrangements, end sprawl, and build durable communities not susceptible to economic exploitation or significant government welfare support. The housing and sprawl issue proved to be a popular one, with 14% of voters in the 2000 election citing it as their top issue that year. Witte and the Commonwealth Union won the election, beginning work in earnest on introducing comprehensive housing and development reform. These reforms would take root from ideas developed during the negotiations surrounding what would become the Family Living Act, but would also take language and ideas from development-reform legislation which had existed since the late 1980s.


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The Family Living Act created a new planning apparatus known as a "preservation zone", distinct from preexistant environmental conservation areas. Preservation zones were defined broadly to include any areas that the public interest demanded be free of urban sprawl, and that all preservation zones would be identified by resolution of the provincial governments and approved by the [[Concilium Daoni]]. Preservation zones, as established under the FLA, did not prohibit construction on individual pieces of property by individual owners or firms, nor did it affect the overall pre-extant planning and zoning systems. Instead, it provided that construction of multiple residences and subdivision thereof on property by a single individual, firm, or group of firms would be prohibited within a preservation zone. The FLA provided for a specific exemption process approved by the [[Ministry_of_the_Environment_and_Energy_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Environmental_Conservation|Agency for Environmental Conservation]], which was given additional funding and resources under the Act to ensure compliance. The exemption process was stated to have a specific preference for UTCs and other, very-low-density types of construction. The FLA identified all pre-extant environmental conservation areas as preservation zones, and subsequent legislation passed between [[2004]] and [[2012]] expanded the zones to cover much of the non-sprawl parts of [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]]. The intention of the preservation zone model was to ensure the end of new suburban sprawl throughout the Valley and rest of Urcea; though market forces had already slowed their growth by [[2003]], advocates sought additional legal means to slow the growth of sprawl.
The Family Living Act created a new planning apparatus known as a "preservation zone", distinct from preexistant environmental conservation areas. Preservation zones were defined broadly to include any areas that the public interest demanded be free of urban sprawl, and that all preservation zones would be identified by resolution of the provincial governments and approved by the [[Concilium Daoni]]. Preservation zones, as established under the FLA, did not prohibit construction on individual pieces of property by individual owners or firms, nor did it affect the overall pre-extant planning and zoning systems. Instead, it provided that construction of multiple residences and subdivision thereof on property by a single individual, firm, or group of firms would be prohibited within a preservation zone. The FLA provided for a specific exemption process approved by the [[Ministry_of_the_Environment_and_Energy_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Environmental_Conservation|Agency for Environmental Conservation]], which was given additional funding and resources under the Act to ensure compliance. The exemption process was stated to have a specific preference for UTCs and other, very-low-density types of construction. The FLA identified all pre-extant environmental conservation areas as preservation zones, and subsequent legislation passed between [[2004]] and [[2012]] expanded the zones to cover much of the non-sprawl parts of [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]]. The intention of the preservation zone model was to ensure the end of new suburban sprawl throughout the Valley and rest of Urcea; though market forces had already slowed their growth by [[2003]], advocates sought additional legal means to slow the growth of sprawl.
===Housing construction limits===
===Housing construction limits===
The Family Living Act included a set of basic parameters for the construction of a subdivision which required 75 feet between each home and a certain width of roadway coming to and from the home. These provisions also included that provinces and localities could introduce more exacting requirements. These provisions also specifically provided that its requirements only applied to subdivisions and developments and did not apply to any individual piece of property. The intent of these laws were to establish additional greenspace on individual properties within subdivisions.
The Family Living Act included a set of basic parameters for the construction of a subdivision which required 75 feet between each home and a certain width of roadway coming to and from the home. It also required that all roadways in subdivisions have usable sidewalks. These provisions also included that provinces and localities could introduce more exacting requirements. These provisions also specifically provided that its requirements only applied to subdivisions and developments and did not apply to any individual piece of property. The intent of these laws were to establish additional greenspace on individual properties within subdivisions. Subsequent legislation enacted in [[2022]] - the Sustainable Greenspace Act - expanded the FLA's subdivision building requirements by requiring that developers use specific types of plants friendly to {{wp|Pollinator|pollinators}}.


===Incentives for UTCs===
===Incentives for UTCs===
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==Legislative history==
==Legislative history==
===1980s-90s===
===1980s-2000===
The earliest version of legislation that would eventually become the Family Living Act was introduced to the [[Concilium Daoni]] on 4 August [[1989]] by Marius Joyce, a [[Commonwealth Union (Urcea)|Commonwealth Union]] delegate from [[Eastglen]]. This original version, called the Estate Cohesion Act (ECA), included only an early version of what would become the multiple structure first offer rule, and this version of the ECA envisioned the rule applying to Urcean suburbs. The ECA was numbered as C9928 for the 1985-1990 term, and was referred to committee where it did not move.
 
Although the Commonwealth Union and [[Julian Party (Urcea)|Julian Party]] won the [[1990 Urcean elections]], housing issues were not a key public issue in the 1990s, and the ECA, now numbered C224, remained in committee. The huge surplus of housing and subsequent construction industry collapse in the 1990s meant that ECA was largely sidelined as an issue, with economic measures taking priority. The return of the National Pact majority in the [[1995 Urcean elections]] again meant the legislation had no hope of passage. However, with Joyce's retirement, the legislation was now sponsored by second term member [[Michael Witte]], receiving the number C1098 in the 1996-2000 term of the Daoni. Witte introduced a number of changes to the legislation, including a shift of MSFOR away from suburbs to possible exurbs as well as non-discrimination clauses against proprietor communes and building restrictions. An amended version of the legislation, C1098B, renamed ECA to Family Living Act. Anti-sprawl promises were a key part of the Union's platform in the [[2000 Urcean elections]], and the newly renamed FLA received renewed attention from the public.
===2001===
===2001===
The victory of the Commonwealth Union in the [[2000 Urcean elections]] and election of bill sponsor [[Michael Witte]] as [[Chancellor and Temporary President]] and [[Procurator]] heralded a possible passage for the FLA during the 2001-05 term. As leader, Witte gave prime sponsorship of the bill, now numbered C5, to a member of the Daoni from [[Killean]] named Cornelia FitzSimmonds. FitzSimmonds chaired the Housing Committee and made it her lead initiative. Despite the Commonwealth Union majority, C5 encountered a number of problems during the first year of Union control. It was reported from the Housing Committee but stalled in the Finance Committee due to several technical issues, and these issues - combined with inter-party disagreements - ensured the legislation was not passed in 2001.
===2002===
===2002===
In early 2002, significant inter-party negotiations occurred to fix technical and political problems with the FLA. After several rounds of negotiations and amendments, C5F was introduced on 18 August 2002. This version was intended by leadership to be the definitive version of the legislation, and included nearly all of its final provisions. It was reported out of the Housing and Finance Committees by the middle of October, but stalled before receiving a vote. The left wing of the Commonwealth Union refused to vote for the legislation unless some kind of housing benefit to the poor was included. Witte attempted to separate the issue out, promising to address the issue in the 2003-04 Budget, but the left-leaning delegates refused to accept this. Finally, on 16 December, an agreement was reached to include what would become the final housing subsidy. Work on the bill was interrupted by that year's Christmas holiday, but C5G - what would become the final version - was completed by 29 December.
===2003===
===2003===
C5G was reported by the Housing and Finance committees by the end of January 2003. Despite attempts by real estate and construction lobbyists to defeat or water down the legislation, C5G was placed on the floor of the [[Concilium Daoni]] for a vote on 17 February 2003. After significant debate on the floor which saw nearly three hours of [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]] delegates denouncing the legislation, it ultimately passed by a margin of 279-221. The vote saw many Commonwealth Union members, both left and right, defect and vote against the bill, but the party's majority was such that it was able to pass. All National Pact and [[Democratic Labor Party (Urcea)|Democratic Labor Party]] members voted no, but a majority of members of the [[Julian Party (Urcea)|Julian Party]] voted yes. A subsequent amendment with minor typographic corrections passed on 10 March by a margin of 482-10. Both pieces of legislation were signed into law by King Aedanicus IX in a signing ceremony on 23 March, 2003.


==Impact==
==Impact==
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With significant areas of [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]] marked as preservation zones, construction of housing had to shift to further afield. The various provisions of the FLA inaugurated a new era of home construction in Urcea, as new, very-low-density exurban developments began to be planned in compliance with the building code changes under the FLA. A second wave of subdivision construction occurred beginning in 2005 and ending in 2014, bringing a large number of new subdivisions to the outer portions of the Valley and parts of the [[Urcean frontier]]. Unlike the previous century's developments, special care was taken in the construction of these subdivisions to be compliant with the FLA's intent to preserve greenspace, a provision that also necessarily led to larger average property sizes for homeowners in 2025 as compared to 1985. The more traditional exurban street model combined with the rapid construction of urban-town-and-country style developments to move many Urceans out of the suburbs and into more cohesive, if further, residential communities.
With significant areas of [[The Valley (Urcea)|the Valley]] marked as preservation zones, construction of housing had to shift to further afield. The various provisions of the FLA inaugurated a new era of home construction in Urcea, as new, very-low-density exurban developments began to be planned in compliance with the building code changes under the FLA. A second wave of subdivision construction occurred beginning in 2005 and ending in 2014, bringing a large number of new subdivisions to the outer portions of the Valley and parts of the [[Urcean frontier]]. Unlike the previous century's developments, special care was taken in the construction of these subdivisions to be compliant with the FLA's intent to preserve greenspace, a provision that also necessarily led to larger average property sizes for homeowners in 2025 as compared to 1985. The more traditional exurban street model combined with the rapid construction of urban-town-and-country style developments to move many Urceans out of the suburbs and into more cohesive, if further, residential communities.
===Death of suburban development===
===Death of suburban development===
The building code requirements and preservation zone provisions within the FLA marked the effective death of the legal construction of traditional suburban subdivisions. While construction on medium-density suburbs had  
The building code requirements and preservation zone provisions within the FLA marked the effective death of the legal construction of traditional suburban subdivisions. While construction on medium-density suburbs had effectively halted for economic reasons by [[1995]], the construction and real estate markets had rebounded significantly by [[2003]] and dozens of new subdivisions were under planning or already permitted as of the time the Act was signed into law. Throughout the late 2000s, a handful of additional new suburban developments were completed, either by being grandfathered in or by receiving a preservation zone exemption, but by [[2010]] nearly all developers had shifted to exurbs, UTC-model, or both. Studies indicate that, in addition to the significant incentives towards other models under the FLA, the cost of obtaining an exemption within the zones and the building code changes made suburban projects not economically viable in most places for most developers.
===Rise of the UTCs===
===Rise of the UTCs===
[[File:GlensFalls.jpeg|thumb|left|200px|UTCs such as Marchts, a UTC-based town in [[Hardinán]], became very widespread in the decades following the passage of the FLA.]]
The incentives provided for under the FLA led to the drastic increase of the construction of [[Housing_in_Urcea#Urban_town_and_country|urban town and country]]-model developments. While some of these had existed since the late 90s, they soon became the most popular style of development in Urcea in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Between 2007 and 2015, more than 1,284 were constructed, fundamentally changing the way that many Urceans lived and related to eachother in both social and economic terms. The subsequent Connectivity Act of 2012 led to a second wave of UTCs being planned and eventually constructed after 2015 with rail links to major cities in mind.
===Sociological improvements===
===Sociological improvements===
Throughout the 2010s, various studies were conducted to measure if the changes in neighborhood composition had made an impact on feelings of social isolation and estate cohesion.
Throughout the 2010s, various studies were conducted to measure if the changes in neighborhood composition had made an impact on feelings of social isolation and estate cohesion.
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==Criticism and opposition==
==Criticism and opposition==
The Family Living Act, and development reforms like it, were primarily opposed by the [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]]. The Pact, which had blocked legislation like it passing during the late 90s, launched a national campaign to try and gather support to halt the bill.
The Family Living Act, and development reforms like it, were primarily opposed by the [[National Pact (Urcea)|National Pact]]. The Pact, which had blocked legislation like it passing during the late 90s, launched a national campaign to try and gather support to halt the bill. The National Pact reclaimed a majority of the Concilium Daoni after the [[2015 Urcean elections]], and though some efforts were made to repeal the law, insufficient support existed among the Pact's members due to the popularity of the legislation by the late 2010s.


===Cost===
===Cost and inventory problems===
The primary argument made by the National Pact and its political allies was that the mandates placed on home construction would dramatically increase the cost of buying a house, potentially putting homeownership out of reach to middle class Urceans.
The primary argument made by the National Pact and its political allies was that the mandates placed on home construction would dramatically increase the cost of buying a house, potentially putting homeownership out of reach to middle class Urceans.


===Effects on housing stock===
Similar to the argument of cost, opponents of the FLA argued that the significant restrictions placed on development would lead to a large housing stock shortfall by 2020. The opponents argued that the cost and difficulty of constructing homes would lead many developers to exit the industry altogether, and that the "developer exodus" would mean few new houses built during the 2010s. In the same vein, the exit of experienced developers would mean the rise of substandard construction and design according to the legislation's opponents.
Similar to the argument of cost, opponents of the FLA argued that the significant restrictions placed on development would lead to a large housing stock shortfall by 2020.


===Government overreach===
===Government overreach===
In addition to objections to the content of the legislation, opponents of the Family Living Act also argued that such a sweeping mandate related to housing and planning violated {{wp|Home rule in the United States|municipal home rule}}. This argument contended that zoning and planning had traditionally been the domain of local and provincial governments, and for the first time the Concilium Daoni was infringing on their traditional rights.
In addition to objections to the content of the legislation, opponents of the Family Living Act also argued that such a sweeping mandate related to housing and planning violated {{wp|Home rule in the United States|municipal home rule}}. This argument contended that zoning and planning had traditionally been the domain of local and provincial governments, and for the first time the Concilium Daoni was infringing on their traditional rights.
===Ecological effects===
A minority of environmental advocates and the [[Democratic Labor Party (Urcea)|Democratic Labor Party]] opposed the legislation on ecological grounds. This group argued that the legislation did not go far enough, and that the construction of 75 foot so-called "tree corridors" between new exurban houses still represented the growth of development within Urcea. These opponents argued the legislation should create a total moratorium on non-urban development for fifteen years, and that the FLA was a distraction from this goal.
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