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Kirosocialist Party: Difference between revisions
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| predecessor = | | predecessor = | ||
| merged = | | merged = | ||
| successor = [[ | | successor = [[Popular Democratic Front]] | ||
| headquarters = №21, 03-ram, 12-kontruv, D District, Kartika | | headquarters = №21, 03-ram, 12-kontruv, D District, Kartika | ||
| newspaper = ''The Social Text'' | | newspaper = ''The Social Text'' | ||
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From before the Party's founding, the first generation of Party leaders and cadre understood socialism not as a mere economic system but as a holistic way of life for a people, and put the social and cultural dimensions of socialist praxis at the centre of Kirosocialist ideology. From the outset, the Party placed great emphasis on education, both in the sense of political and ideological formation of Party members and in the sense of public education, viewing it as the primary instrument for building a new socialist culture. | From before the Party's founding, the first generation of Party leaders and cadre understood socialism not as a mere economic system but as a holistic way of life for a people, and put the social and cultural dimensions of socialist praxis at the centre of Kirosocialist ideology. From the outset, the Party placed great emphasis on education, both in the sense of political and ideological formation of Party members and in the sense of public education, viewing it as the primary instrument for building a new socialist culture. | ||
During single-party rule every accredited university was required to have a Department of Marxism or (later) Department of Socialist Sciences, which was responsible for teaching classical Marxist texts and key Kirosocialist writings, and for conditioning students to apply Marxist and Kirosocialist theoretical lenses to other fields of study. Basic courses in Marxism were required for all undergraduate students. Only a handful of such academic departments remain. | During single-party rule every accredited university was required to have a Department of Marxism or (later) Department of Socialist Sciences, which was responsible for teaching classical Marxist texts and key Kirosocialist writings, and for conditioning students to apply Marxist and Kirosocialist theoretical lenses to other fields of study. Basic courses in Marxism were required for all undergraduate students. Only a handful of such academic departments remain; the last surviving faculty titled 'Department of Marxism' is at [[Devahoma Agricultural & Mineral University]]. | ||
{{Quote box|width=25em|align=right|bgcolor=ivory|quote=The Party strengthens the building of socialist spiritual civilization by promoting education in high ideals, ethics, general knowledge, discipline and legality, and by promoting the formulation and observance of rules of conduct and common pledges by various sections of the people in urban and rural areas. The Party advocates the civic virtues of love for the Home Island, for the People, for Labour, for science and for Socialism.|source= — Article 11 of the First Manifesto}} | {{Quote box|width=25em|align=right|bgcolor=ivory|quote=The Party strengthens the building of socialist spiritual civilization by promoting education in high ideals, ethics, general knowledge, discipline and legality, and by promoting the formulation and observance of rules of conduct and common pledges by various sections of the people in urban and rural areas. The Party advocates the civic virtues of love for the Home Island, for the People, for Labour, for science and for Socialism.|source= — Article 11 of the First Manifesto}} | ||
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====Religion==== | ====Religion==== | ||
The attitude of the Party towards religion and its approach to religious policy fluctuated over time. The first generation of the Party's membership was predominantly irreligious, including many cadre with expressly nontheistic worldviews (especially among those who had belonged to the Communist Party and the more orthodox Marxist tendency). Kirsok never regulated the private beliefs of its members, though for a brief period in its early history members could not be enrolled members or active communicants of religious congregations. This was later moderated so that only clerics and ministers were forbidden to join the Party. While the party membership would remain markedly more secular than the general population throughout the Party's existence, the difference gradually narrowed over time. Writing in [Midlate Kirsok Year], John Q. Preacher, a Discipular minister involved with the Party's auxilliary groups in [[Elegia]], recorded his impression that the old line of {{wp|Marxist humanists}} were by then rare in the Party, and that most attendees at the Elegia Party Congress could be described as {{wp|spiritual but not religious}}, passive practitioners of Coscivian religious traditions, or semi-practicing Christians. [[Féraluir Sekerin]], a Party member who would later lead the [[ | The attitude of the Party towards religion and its approach to religious policy fluctuated over time. The first generation of the Party's membership was predominantly irreligious, including many cadre with expressly nontheistic worldviews (especially among those who had belonged to the Communist Party and the more orthodox Marxist tendency). Kirsok never regulated the private beliefs of its members, though for a brief period in its early history members could not be enrolled members or active communicants of religious congregations. This was later moderated so that only clerics and ministers were forbidden to join the Party. While the party membership would remain markedly more secular than the general population throughout the Party's existence, the difference gradually narrowed over time. Writing in [Midlate Kirsok Year], John Q. Preacher, a Discipular minister involved with the Party's auxilliary groups in [[Elegia]], recorded his impression that the old line of {{wp|Marxist humanists}} were by then rare in the Party, and that most attendees at the Elegia Party Congress could be described as {{wp|spiritual but not religious}}, passive practitioners of Coscivian religious traditions, or semi-practicing Christians. [[Féraluir Sekerin]], a Party member who would later lead the [[Popular Democratic Front|PDF]], described the general religious attitude of the old Party as a "vague agnostic Deism", to which he himself adhered before converting to Catholicism in [YEAR]. | ||
The Party's general approach towards religious policy was that the traditional organised religions in Kiravia were an impediment to social and economic progress, that they reinforced parochial sectarian/communal group identities against national and class unity, and that they provided institutional safe havens for reactionary individuals and created non-socialist spaces where criticism of the state ideology might be welcomed. As such, the Party actively worked to diminish the influence of organised religion. The Constitution of the Kiravian Union declared the state to be affirmatively secular (''lāsgix''), whereas the Kiravian Federation had merely been religiously-neutral (''loryavôntix''). Chapters of the party disestablished local {{wp|state churches}} upon taking power in states where they existed. Public support to religiously-affiliated organisations was cut off in favour of government-sponsored alternatives, and party agents worked to surveill and infiltrate church bodies. However, the party never moved to prohibit religious practice outright, nor did it ever ban any major religious group. | The Party's general approach towards religious policy was that the traditional organised religions in Kiravia were an impediment to social and economic progress, that they reinforced parochial sectarian/communal group identities against national and class unity, and that they provided institutional safe havens for reactionary individuals and created non-socialist spaces where criticism of the state ideology might be welcomed. As such, the Party actively worked to diminish the influence of organised religion. The Constitution of the Kiravian Union declared the state to be affirmatively secular (''lāsgix''), whereas the Kiravian Federation had merely been religiously-neutral (''loryavôntix''). Chapters of the party disestablished local {{wp|state churches}} upon taking power in states where they existed. Public support to religiously-affiliated organisations was cut off in favour of government-sponsored alternatives, and party agents worked to surveill and infiltrate church bodies. However, the party never moved to prohibit religious practice outright, nor did it ever ban any major religious group. | ||
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Most overseas regions of the Kiravian Federacy would remain under the rule of the [[Kiravian Remnant]], and while Kirsok declared the "socialist emancipation of all Kiravian and Coscivian workers worldwide" as part of its mission, it considered the Kiravian colonial empire a capitalist undertaking incompatible with socialism. Its military expeditions against Kiravian overseas regions were aimed at eliminating threats to the mainland form Federalist forces there, and territorial claims to Remnant-held territories were maintained mainly as a legal pretext to justify kinetic actions by the Union against the Remnant in such places. Nonetheless, the Party maintained a Regional Committee-in-exile for the Burgundie-occupied island of [[Wintergen]], and the Party-sanctioned Union of Socialist Mountaineers and Polar Navigators made some efforts to establish territorial claims in the ungoverned polar regions. | Most overseas regions of the Kiravian Federacy would remain under the rule of the [[Kiravian Remnant]], and while Kirsok declared the "socialist emancipation of all Kiravian and Coscivian workers worldwide" as part of its mission, it considered the Kiravian colonial empire a capitalist undertaking incompatible with socialism. Its military expeditions against Kiravian overseas regions were aimed at eliminating threats to the mainland form Federalist forces there, and territorial claims to Remnant-held territories were maintained mainly as a legal pretext to justify kinetic actions by the Union against the Remnant in such places. Nonetheless, the Party maintained a Regional Committee-in-exile for the Burgundie-occupied island of [[Wintergen]], and the Party-sanctioned Union of Socialist Mountaineers and Polar Navigators made some efforts to establish territorial claims in the ungoverned polar regions. | ||
[[ | [[Sydona]], which saw its own local socialist revolution, was part of the Kiravian Union, and was ruled by a regional party committee. Due to the size, economic importance, and sheer geographic distance of Sydona, the Sydona Regional Committee was afforded a much degree of autonomy from the Central Committee and was allowed to style itself the Socialist Party *in* Sydona (rather than *of* Sydona). | ||
==Popular Support== | ==Popular Support== | ||