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{{Infobox military conflict | {{Infobox military conflict | ||
|partof = | |partof = | ||
|conflict = Pachoy Rebellion | |conflict = Pachoy Rebellion | ||
|date = 18 April [[2032]] | |date = 18 April - 17 August [[2032]] | ||
|place = [[Pachaug]] | |place = [[Pachaug]] | ||
|image = Entrada a Plaza Italia en llamas.jpg | |image = Entrada a Plaza Italia en llamas.jpg | ||
| Line 21: | Line 20: | ||
|strength1 = | |strength1 = | ||
|strength2 = | |strength2 = | ||
|casualties1 = | |casualties1 = ~1,000 dead | ||
|casualties2 = | |casualties2 = ~200 dead | ||
|casualties3 = More than 500 civilians killed | |||
}} | }} | ||
The '''Pachoy Rebellion''' | The '''Pachoy Rebellion''' was an armed uprising in [[Pachaug]], an [[International charter city|international charter city]] in [[Crona]]. The conflict originated out of a series of monthlong protests against the continuation of Pachaug's charter city agreement with [[Urcea]] which escalated dramatically on the morning of 17 April [[2032]] with a mutiny of Pachaug's [[Nysdra Sea Guard]] garrison. The domestic government of Pachaug soon split along radical and moderate lines, with both factions forming (or re-forming) a government for the territory. The more radically inclined Provisional Republic held most of the territory until the intervention of the [[Chenango Confederacy]] in May 2032, which deployed its military to subdue the rebellion. By the end of the month, Chenango forces had besieged Pachaug's inner city and naval base in order to avoid major bloodshed. Prior to the siege, the rebels took several dozen hostages, expediting the pace of the siege. Eventually, on 17 August, Chenango forces stormed the city and naval base, resulting in many casualties and 55 dead hostages. The assault on the 17th succeeded in ending the uprising. | ||
The Rebellion was seen in Urcea as the general conclusion to the decades-long political reorganization that occurred as a result of [[The Deluge|the Deluge]]. It revealed that the political arrangements made during that period - arrangements that were largely pragmatic and defensive in nature - were no longer appropriate. The rebellion and its aftermath were the culmination of several years of post-Deluge reorganization, beginning with the transition of [[Housatonic]] towards independence and the annexation of the [[Unnuaq Mission State]] by [[New Harren]]. | The Rebellion was seen in Urcea as the general conclusion to the decades-long political reorganization that occurred as a result of [[The Deluge|the Deluge]]. It revealed that the political arrangements made during that period - arrangements that were largely pragmatic and defensive in nature - were no longer appropriate. The rebellion and its aftermath were the culmination of several years of post-Deluge reorganization, beginning with the transition of [[Housatonic]] towards independence and the annexation of the [[Unnuaq Mission State]] by [[New Harren]]. It also caused a reevaluation of Urcea's role in the [[Nysdra Sea]] region in both Urcean politics and society, leading to a greater recognition of NSTA members as peers rather than clients. | ||
==Background== | ==Background== | ||
Pachaug was a member of the [[Northern Confederation]] for centuries prior to the events of the [[War of the Northern Confederation]] and [[Algosh Coup]], after which time it fell under the political dominion of [[Algoquona]]. It, along with sister-city [[Housatonic]] chafed under ethnic Algosh domination, and sought ways to regain political autonomy. The end of the [[Treaty of Narasseta]] between Algoquona and [[Urcea]] provided this opportunity. Urcea's Levantine allies launched [[Operation Western Blizzard]], which allowed Pachaug to declare de facto independence and sign an [[International charter city|international charter city]] agreement with Urcea in [[2017]], giving Urcea some economic control over the city in exchange for a high degree of political autonomy and military protection. The agreement greatly benefitted nearby Housatonic, but Pachaug's economic position declined relative to it and generally throughout the 2020s. Additionally, the [[Final War of the Deluge]] brought about Algoquona's destruction, meaning the threat to Pachaug had largely receded by the late 2020s. Many Pachoy also began to feel that the Urceans exhibited favoritism towards Housatonic. In [[2029]], Housatonic was given full permission by Urcea to abrogate its charter and convene a constitutional convention, and Housatonic became a republic in February of [[2030]], even receiving the Unnuaq Chain territories from Urcea following their full independence. Perceptions of anti-Pachoy bias, the negative results of 13 years of the charter agreement coupled with the decreasing need for military protection led to a major political change in the [[2030]] elections, as 14 members who were partly or completely anti-charter were elected to the Pachaug Communal Council, an increase of 6, which gave them the majority. Taking office in 2031, the new anti-charter majority worked slowly and deliberately at first, especially considering that the charter agreement itself required a unanimous vote of the Communal Council to abrogate. Negotiations with Urcea were slow, and many Pachoy perceived that Urcea was intentionally blocking efforts to reform. As a largely symbolic gesture, the Communal Council voted on 15 February 2032 to unilaterally abrogate the treaty. The vote failed, with 14 voting for and 6 against, failing to meet the unanimous threshold. | Pachaug was a member of the [[Northern Confederation]] for centuries prior to the events of the [[War of the Northern Confederation]] and [[Algosh Coup]], after which time it fell under the political dominion of [[Algoquona]]. It, along with sister-city [[Housatonic]] chafed under ethnic Algosh domination, and sought ways to regain political autonomy. The end of the [[Treaty of Narasseta]] between Algoquona and [[Urcea]] provided this opportunity. Urcea's Levantine allies launched [[Operation Western Blizzard]], which allowed Pachaug to declare de facto independence and sign an [[International charter city|international charter city]] agreement with Urcea in [[2017]], giving Urcea some economic control over the city in exchange for a high degree of political autonomy and military protection. The agreement greatly benefitted nearby Housatonic, but Pachaug's economic position declined relative to it and generally throughout the 2020s. Additionally, the [[Final War of the Deluge]] brought about Algoquona's destruction, meaning the threat to Pachaug had largely receded by the late 2020s. Many Pachoy also began to feel that the Urceans exhibited favoritism towards Housatonic. In [[2029]], Housatonic was given full permission by Urcea to abrogate its charter and convene a constitutional convention, and Housatonic became a republic in February of [[2030]], even receiving the Unnuaq Chain territories from Urcea following their full independence. Perceptions of anti-Pachoy bias, the negative results of 13 years of the charter agreement coupled with the decreasing need for military protection led to a major political change in the [[2030]] elections, as 14 members who were partly or completely anti-charter were elected to the Pachaug Communal Council, an increase of 6, which gave them the majority. Taking office in 2031, the new anti-charter majority worked slowly and deliberately at first, especially considering that the charter agreement itself required a unanimous vote of the Communal Council to abrogate. Negotiations with Urcea were slow, and many Pachoy perceived that Urcea was intentionally blocking efforts to reform. As a largely symbolic gesture, the Communal Council voted on 15 February 2032 to unilaterally abrogate the treaty. The vote failed, with 14 voting for and 6 against, failing to meet the unanimous threshold. | ||
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The sudden presence of the enemy had alarmed rebel forces, but they were generally ready for the attack due to the preparations made in the days prior. From trenches around the base, significant resistance was made to the advancing Trinational Army forces from the outside, while a small force attempted to capture Barracks B but was rebuffed. TNA organizational failures led to limited friendly fire incidents around 2 AM, which temporarily halted the assault as units were reorganized and a limited investigation occurred, and resumed around 2:30 AM. Within the base, SOB forces managed to destroy the base's power generation, and the better equipped TNA forces outside benefitted due to the lack of significant nigh vision capability by the defenders. By 4 AM, the main trench-line had been overrun by the TNA. By 6 AM, as the sun began to rise, the secondary trench line had been overrun and TNA forces were within the gates of the naval base. At 6:15 AM, after about five hours of fighting, the naval base's rebel commander and several other senior officers attempted to flee the base in a small, fast boat, but were captured by blockading forces not long after. Without a command structure, some of the men continued to fight on but others laid down their arms, and by around 7 AM the naval base was secured. The Blue Flag was lowered and in its place the traditional Pachaug flag, along with that of NSTA, were raised over the base. | The sudden presence of the enemy had alarmed rebel forces, but they were generally ready for the attack due to the preparations made in the days prior. From trenches around the base, significant resistance was made to the advancing Trinational Army forces from the outside, while a small force attempted to capture Barracks B but was rebuffed. TNA organizational failures led to limited friendly fire incidents around 2 AM, which temporarily halted the assault as units were reorganized and a limited investigation occurred, and resumed around 2:30 AM. Within the base, SOB forces managed to destroy the base's power generation, and the better equipped TNA forces outside benefitted due to the lack of significant nigh vision capability by the defenders. By 4 AM, the main trench-line had been overrun by the TNA. By 6 AM, as the sun began to rise, the secondary trench line had been overrun and TNA forces were within the gates of the naval base. At 6:15 AM, after about five hours of fighting, the naval base's rebel commander and several other senior officers attempted to flee the base in a small, fast boat, but were captured by blockading forces not long after. Without a command structure, some of the men continued to fight on but others laid down their arms, and by around 7 AM the naval base was secured. The Blue Flag was lowered and in its place the traditional Pachaug flag, along with that of NSTA, were raised over the base. | ||
===Storming the city=== | ===Storming the city=== | ||
Throughout the night, gunfire and explosions had signaled to the defenders of the city's inner circle that an attack was imminent. As the sun rose, the sign of the flags over the naval base being lowered and Charterist-NSTA flags being raised after just six hours of fighting there was perceived as a bad omen by the defenders of the inner circle. Regardless, the members of the provisional government mounted the barricades and channel defenses, boosting the morale of the other rebels, and they were joined by former Mayor-Intendent Mikaere Arono, who waved the Blue Flag atop a barricade. | Throughout the night, gunfire and explosions had signaled to the defenders of the city's inner circle that an attack was imminent. As the sun rose, the sign of the flags over the naval base being lowered and Charterist-NSTA flags being raised after just six hours of fighting there was perceived as a bad omen by the defenders of the inner circle. Regardless, the members of the provisional government mounted the barricades and channel defenses, boosting the morale of the other rebels, and they were joined by former Mayor-Intendent Mikaere Arono, who waved the Blue Flag atop a barricade. The TNA began a direct assault over the channel bridges at 7:30 AM with only light mortar and aerial support due to the large number of civilians within the city zone. Rocket-propelled grenades and machine guns were used to attempt to clear the barricades and suppress enemy fire, but these efforts were only partly successful due to counter-fire from rooftops within the city center. With efforts to subdue the city only with a show of force having failed, by 8:10 AM heavy covering fire to protect the crossings was laid down by TNA infantry followed by an armored column of SAV-11 tanks operated by the TNA which began to advance down the main channel bridges and through the barricades. In some points, the barricades were too well constructed to immediately break through, but at least three points along the outer part of the city's inner circle did breakthroughs occur, allowing additional vehicles and infantry to advance into the inner circle. Fighting remained fierce all day, with infantry going building-by-building clearing militants and hand to hand fighting occurring at several instances. Throughout most of the day, the militants retained control of the rooftops, barricading most entries to the roofs, and by 3 PM the order was given to destroy any rooftop using grenades or tank cannons. | ||
Street by street fighting continued for most of the day. During the course of the day's fighting, 14 of the 17 members of the provisional government were killed, including all 3 members of its Executive Committee. With a vacuum of power, former Mayor-Intendent Mikaere Arono assumed informal leadership of the remaining militants at around 4:30 PM. Arono attempted to reorganize the defense from scattered pockets of resistance to a new inner-ring within the city using a new line of barricades, but these efforts were only partly successful. By 5 PM he had about 200 men on hand to defend his new ring, with TNA forces demolishing all buildings around it to prevent additional militants from reaching it via rooftop. With most of the buildings and civilians cleared, this position was vulnerable to air power, and for 15 minutes beginning at 5:32 PM this position was hit by multiple Chenango strike planes. Seeing the futility of this, Arono ordered the white flag raised above the barricades at 5:47 PM. He surrendered himself to TNA forces and the 172 remaining men on his position were taken captive. Fighting continued intermittently throughout the rest of the day and through the night as small pockets of resistance continued to fight TNA occupation, but by sun-up on the 18th the fighting had largely ceased. | |||
The storming of the city had been a high-casualty event for both defenders and civilians within the inner circle, with as many as 584 militants dead and another 221 civilians killed in the crossfire. | |||
====Massacre of 18 August==== | ====Massacre of 18 August==== | ||
Throughout the 17th and overnight into the 18th, captured militants were removed from the inner circle to camps and other staging areas behind the lines outside the city. Many of these facilities were guarded by auxiliary Charterist militia forces who had been entrusted with backline protection duties as Chenango forces advanced. As the sun rose on the 18th and additional prisoners were crowded into these small camps, many Charterist militia forces began to fire indiscriminately into the holding pens. Subsequent investigations could not conclusively prove that these actions were coordinated, but they occurred around the same time in four different prison staging areas. Charterist forces expressed their frustration on their opponents for about a half hour until Chenango forces were able to regain control over the camps. In that time, 622 prisoners were killed and another 200 wounded, making the massacre of 18 August the most deadly part of the entire rebellion. Throughout the rest of the 18th and through the 20th, random reprisals against militants or those suspected of allying with them occurred throughout the city. After the 20th, additional Chenango reinforcements and other [[NSTA]] troops were called upon to enforce a curfew and impose martial law on the city, bringing an end to the bloodshed. | |||
==Aftermath== | |||
The Pachoy Rebellion, including its many fatalities, left a lasting scar on the Pachoy people and had significant consequences for Pachaug as a state. Urcea conceded the point of the status of the city as a charter in a public address on the morning of 18 August, stating its willingness to agree to "any terms" with Pachaug's Charterist government for the future of the country. Until the permanent solution was achieved, the forces of the Chenango Confederacy began a standing occupation of the country as TNA forces were reorganized to remain in place. The rescued 135 hostages were flown to [[New Harren]] for medical treatment and counseling on 18 August prior to being returned to wherever their respective homes were. The Charterist government planned to meet in the official government structures on the 18th, but the ensuing massacre of that day delayed the meeting of the Communal Council until 19 August. In light of the massacre, planned punitive measures were abandoned, and the Council began to consider the country's political future as well as a system of pardons for most people who participated in the rebellion. On 19 August, the naval base at Pachaug began to be demolished, with its land later transferred to the Pachoy government. | |||
== | Beyond the social and political ramifications, the rebellion was crippling to the already struggling Pachoy economy. As most of the country became the site either of fighting or of military occupation, very few Pachoy were able to continue working or at least worked with adequate resources and customers. Throughout most of summer 2032, nearly all economic function was slowed or stopped completely. Most people in the rebel controlled zones turned to subsistence agriculture or military duty, while those outside it tried to restart their livelihoods with limited resources or temporarily became refugees in the Chenango Confederacy or New Harren. During the siege and subsequent fighting, much of the once-prosperous city center was destroyed or damaged beyond repair, and ruins of buildings in the city center would remain for years to come. Economists project it will take years, or even a decade, for Pachaug to completely rebound from the economic impact of the rebellion. | ||
Demographically, the uprising was a catastrophic event in Pachaug history. Of the territory's 59,222 population in 2030, about 2% were killed in the fighting or as civilian casualties, a majority of these being men of fighting age. The loss of such a large percent of the population worsened economic conditions. | |||
===Pachaug reorganized=== | |||
In the weeks and months following the end of the rebellion, deliberations and negotiations regarding the future of the Pachoy state occurred in Pachaug and Port St. Charles. On 20 August, as a matter of course, the Communal Council unanimously voted to amend the charter assuming for itself full control of the charter city, abolishing the Urcean supervisory system. The Council also voted to remove the requirement for all charter amendments to be unanimous as a prelude to a future final settlement, and for the time being the charter remained in place as the transitional basis of self-government in Pachaug. Throughout September, a basic framework was established for the future of the Pachoy state: it would join the ethnically similar [[Chenango Confederacy]] as the ''Fourth Republic'', one of its federal units, at a time to be determined in the future. International opinion had shifted decidedly against an independent Pachoy state throughout August and September, and membership and integration into the Confederacy had been a popular option among moderates during the pre-war period. For an indeterminate time, Pachaug would continue to operate on the provisional charter basis and would be under military occupation by the Confederacy, before it was finally admitted to it on 1 July [[2033]]. | |||
Several of the high-profile prisoners of the rebellion, including Mikaere Arono, were not pardoned, but instead were sentenced to live in a penal colony in [[Otisco]]. Several individuals who were pardoned but were either related to these prisoners or were loyal to them followed them to Otisco, establishing a settlement of Arononia named for Arono. | |||
===Urcean political changes=== | |||
The Rebellion caused Urcean leaders specifically and Urcean society generally to reexamine the weight of its influence in the [[Nysdra Sea]] region, and particularly how other states viewed Urcea. After decades of [[The Deluge|Deluge]]-related policies that were ostensibly to maintain the independence and national identity of people in Crona, a bloody rebellion against a Urcean-imposed system called into question the validity of Urcea's work there as well as how Urcea's alliances in the region worked. In early September, calls for the repeal of the [[Protocols Act of 2023]] became widespread throughout Urcea. The Act, which allowed [[Concilium Purpaidá|Urcean ministries]] to directly interact with NSTA members without need for diplomatic protocols, was viewed as an admission of imperial hegemony by Urcea, and became deeply unpopular. The Act was subsequently repealed in October 2032, with normal diplomatic relationships restored. Many Urceans began to feel, while NSTA was a valuable institution and Urcea's involvement in the Nysdra was not irredeemable, that Urcea needed to take a step back and allow its partners and allies to grow organically, and that Urcea should be more of a peer, rather than patron, in NSTA. | |||
===International reaction=== | |||
In the initial hours of the rebellion, international reaction was relatively muted; the global unpopularity of the Deluge had waned in preceding years, and though some nations (particularly [[Ardmore]]) congratulated the Pachoy people on taking the step towards an uprising, most countries remained neutral. As the hours and days passed, however, most nations universally condemned the taking of hostages by the Pachoy people and asked Urcea to take immediate military action. Besides condemnation of the Pachoy, international reaction to the handling of the crisis was divided, with [[Cartadania]] and [[Burgundie]] praising NSTA's slow diplomatic approach while [[Yonderre]] and [[Alstin]] protested the slow pace of progress and lack of a rescue attempt for the hostages. Global observers held a universally low opinion of the [[Chenango Confederacy]]'s military operations throughout the entire conflict. Officials from Yonderre and private military contractors from that country were especially critical of the TNA's semi-failed rescue attempt on 17 August that led to the death of 55 hostages, with many Yonderian officials referring to the entire operation as "completely amateurish". Yonderre and other countries were critical of Urcea for its decision to use local forces rather than an international coalition force, stating that this "political manuever" likely cost the lives of the hostages. In the weeks and months after the rebellion, criticism towards the Chenango military operation grew to near universal status as more details became publicly available. Abroad, opinion on whether or not Urcea acted too passively during the uprising remains divided. | |||
====Hostage victims by country==== | |||
The following individuals were held hostage during the rebellion and were killed during the course of the rebellion. All of these individuals except for Paul Collan of New Harren were killed by rebel forces during the rescue attempt on the morning of 17 August. | |||
{{flag|Urcea}} (21): | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Cean.]] Mychal Dan | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Ept.]] Patrick Tarquinius Gianuel | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Tria.]] Aedanicus Virgio | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Tria.]] Lucás Lamonn | |||
: Miles Amonello | |||
: Matthew Canonius Orazio | |||
: Niall Osvale | |||
: Ædward Antino | |||
: Seán Ermando | |||
: Mary Padrian | |||
: Leo Rinius Carmanuel | |||
: Mary Giordan | |||
: Beth Car | |||
: Gloria Car | |||
: Seán Fabius Pario | |||
: Phillip Caolomeo | |||
: Bridget Lianpierio | |||
: Caelian Diarmine | |||
: Mary Macdarrado | |||
: Andrew Hasanoanda | |||
: Brian Erneste | |||
{{flag|New Harren}} (12): | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Field,_Flag_and_Staff_Officers|Rr. Náv.]] Paul Collan | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Lt.]] Michael Odeserundiye | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Lt.]] Caelian Hiawatha | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Junior_Officers|Lt.]] John Tekakwitha | |||
: [[Ranks_in_the_Urcean_Armed_Forces#Non-commissioned_Officers|PO2]] Lucás Baldo | |||
: Genessee Alfinn | |||
: Tanacharison Ayi | |||
: Leo Kaintwakon | |||
: Leah Mels | |||
: Seán Armannio | |||
: Guyasuta Achaddeus | |||
: Bridget Kateri | |||
{{flag|Housatonic}} (8): | |||
: John Aponi | |||
: Kateri Magua | |||
: Mohi Dyani | |||
: Cholena Mato | |||
: Kateri Jacy | |||
: Ayita Enola | |||
: Askook Elu | |||
: Keme Awena | |||
{{flag|Yonderre}} (5): | |||
: Dieter Silbermann | |||
: Sylvia d'Irose | |||
: Carl Klau | |||
: Philippe Doux | |||
: Martin Frost | |||
{{flag|Burgundie}} (3): | |||
: Etienne-Henri Ouite deReclique | |||
: Michele-Vendone Evelvine deDuctif | |||
: Paul-Francois la doit d'Exter | |||
{{flag|Quetzenkel}} (2) | |||
: Sanse Ahuica | |||
: Xipil Atl | |||
{{flag|Alstin}} (1): | |||
: Michael Keane | |||
{{flag|Lapody}} (1): | |||
: Antoni Martin | |||
{{flag|Cartadania}} (1): | |||
: Gabriel Saiavedra | |||
{{flag|Fiannria}} (1): | |||
: Martina Ebers | |||
{{flag|Faneria}} (1): | |||
: Matthew Cormick | |||
[[Category:Crona]] | [[Category:Crona]] | ||
[[Category:IXWB]] | [[Category:IXWB]] | ||
[[Category:Wars]] | [[Category:Wars]] | ||