Treaty of Narasseta and Melvyn Kalma's cult of personality: Difference between pages

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{{Infobox treaty
[[File:Cape father of the nation.png|thumb|330px|The grandiose [[Mausoleum of the National Father]], where Kalma’s remains are interred.]]
| name                    = Treaty of Narasseta
'''Melvyn Kalma’s cult of personality''' was and is still a major element of the politics of the [[the Cape|Federacy of the Cape]]. Although initiated by himself during the final years of his rule to cement his legacy as the first [[Chief of the Republic]] and [[Prime Executive]] of the Cape and the legacy of his [[Restarkism|reforms]], it was continued and popularized extensively by members of his own [[Republican Nationalist Party]] and the regime of the [[National Reclamation Government]]. It has been described as the “world’s longest-running {{wp|personality cult}}”.
| long_name              = Treaty of settlement of hostilities with relation to Western Crona
| image                  = <!-- Example.png -->
| image_size              = <!-- 200px -->
| alt                    = <!-- alt-text here for accessibility; see [[MOS:ACCESS]] -->
| caption                = <!-- Example caption for either image style -->
| type                    =
| context                =
| date_drafted            =
| date_signed            = 24 August 2012
| location_signed        = Narasseta, [[Carna]]
| date_sealed            =
| date_ratified          = <!-- If 3 or more, type 'Multiple dates' linking to a section or footnote -->
| date_effective          = 1 November 2012
| condition_effective    =
| amendment              =
| replaces                =
| replaced_by            =
| date_expiration        = 28 November 2016 (effectively)
| date_expiry            = <!-- {{End date|YYYY|MM|DD}} -->
| provisional_application =
| mediators              = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| negotiators            = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| original_signatories    = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| signatories            = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| parties                = Urcea<br>Algoquona
| ratifiers              = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| depositor              = <!-- OR: -->
| depositories            = <!-- format this as a bullet list -->
| citations              = <!-- format as XX [[Article on Treaty Series|TS]] YYY -->
| language                = <!-- OR: -->
| languages              = Julian Ænglish<br>Algosh
| wikisource              = <!-- OR: -->
| wikisource1            = <!-- Up to 5 wikisource variables may be specified -->
| wikisource2            =
| wikisource3            =
| wikisource4            =
| wikisource5            =
| footnotes              =
}}
The '''Treaty of Narasseta''' was a treaty between [[Urcea]] and [[Algoquona]] establishing regular borders and diplomatic relations between the two nations. It also formally ended the War of the Northern Confederation, which had seen a permanent ceasefire since 1 July 2010, and established the [[Unnuaq Mission State|Unnuaq mission exclusion zone]] in northern Algoquona. Beginning in 2015, both parties consistently accused the other of breaking the spirit of the agreement, and in November of 2016 Algoquona effectively abrogated the treaty, leading to Operation Mission Shield.


== Background and negotiation ==
==Overview==
During the [[War of the Northern Confederation]], the hundreds-year old Northern Confederation collapsed under the weight of internal division and military intervention from Urcea. The Confederation ceased functioning in the spring of 2010, but Algoquona - one of the primary constituents of the Confederation - claimed legal succession of the Confederation. Algoquona kept fighting until July 2010, when its forces were ejected from Cheektowaga, after which time both sides agreed to a ceasefire. Peace negotiations began on 15 July 2010 at [[Electorsbourg]], and Urcean negotiators initially tried to obtain a formal peace ''{{wp|Uti possidetis}}'', or based on the borders currently held by both sides. Algoquona used the negotiation time to establish hegemony over most of the remaining tribes of the former Confederation, using diplomacy and, allegedly, military action, so much so that by 2011 most of the Northern Confederation had been incorporated into the newly reformed Federal State of Algoquona. Urcean negotiators considered this a breach of good faith and a violation of the principles Algoquonan negotiators had been pressing - namely that of self-determination. The Royal and Imperial Army was again mobilized in New Harren as negotiations nearly broke down, but both sides agreed to mediation by [[Carna]]‎‎ and agreed to maintain the ceasefire.
Melvyn Kalma led the [[National Revolutionary Army]] in the [[Capetian War of Independence]] in the final years of the 19th century, defeating both [[Kiravia]] and [[Cartadania|Cartadanian]] [[Natalia]] to achieve Capetian independence by 1901.
Under his leadership as both first {{wp|head of state}} and {{wp|head of government}}, the modern Capetian republic, the Federacy of the Cape, was declared.  


Urcea had three primary goals for the treaty at the beginning of negotiations, the paramount of which was a formal end to the War of the Northern Confederation and gradual demilitarization of [[New Harren]] in order to allow for economic development of the Kingdom. Their second goal was a permanent border solution with regards to Algoquona and New Harren, and the third goal was guarantees of protection of various Catholic missions in the arctic north of the country which had existed for hundreds of years. Algoquona had two primary goals, the first of which was recognition of Algoquona as the formal legal successor of the Northern Confederation, and the second of which was a provision to give Algoquona diplomatic and legal protection from Urcea. Most of these goals were amenable to the other party, but the central issue dividing negotiators was the repercussions of recognizing Algoquona as successor of the Northern Confederation; the latter wanted to be recognized as the legitimate government over the entirety of the Confederation, which problematically included the territory now part of New Harren. Urcea rejected the successor clause during negotiations several times, but finally reached a breakthrough in the mid-summer of 2012 as Carnish mediators successfully convinced Algoquona to formally recognize New Harren as no longer an "integral part of the Northern Confederation", which allowed Urcea the flexibility to recognize the legal succesison.
Under his leadership as [[Prime Executive]], Kalma embarked on a variety of reforms, {{wp|Westernization|Occidentalizing}} the Cape, and laying the groundwork for [[Cape nationalism]] and the birth of a coherent national identity from the three ethnicities that composed the country. To these ends, Kalma {{wp|secularism|secularized}} the state, enacted a Western code of fundamental rights, instituted industrializing reforms, and promoted [[Cape Coscivian]] - a form of mutually intelligible creole popular in the southern Cape Peninsula - into a national language. Doing so, he is credited by many Capetians today for transforming the Cape into a modern {{wp|nation state}} governed as a {{wp|constitutional republic}}.


== Key provisions ==
Following his death he was honoured with a variety of titles by the Supreme National Assembly, including “the {{wp|Father of the Nation}}”, “{{wp|Pater Patriae|Father of the Fatherland}}”, “the Marshal”, and “the Great Teacher”. He is known simply in Capetian vernacular as ''Prezident'' - “the President”, held in contrast to the term ''Restarkima'', the modern term for the Capetian [[Chief of the Republic|presidency]]. He still holds the eternal chairmanship of his [[Republican Nationalist Party]].
The Treaty was signed on 24 August 2012 and included a number of articles and provisions relating to "permanent and perpetual peace" between the Kingdom of New Harren and Algoquona. Among these provisions were:


# Algoquona's recognition of the sovereignty and integrity of the Kingdom of New Harren
==Characteristics==
# A final border settlement between New Yustnona and Algoquona
Kalma’s legacy remains arguably the central element of Capetian politics into the 21st century. Almost every Capetian city has streets named after him, a memorial in his honour, with statues and portraits found in city squares, classrooms, public offices, and Capetian embassies abroad. A large {{wp|mausoleum}} in his honour, the [[Mausoleum of the National Father]], sits above Cape Town, and the city of [[Kalmasar]], home to a majority of the Federacy’s ministries and its bureaucracy, bears his name.
# The reestablishment of formal diplomatic relations between Algoquona and Urcea (and, by proxy, New Harren)
# The mutual recognition of the end of the War of the Northern Confederation and dissolution of the Northern Confederation
# Urcean recognition of Algoquona as the Confederation's legal successor, which soon became accepted at Urcea's insistence by the League of Nations
# The ability for border tribes hostile to Algoquona to relocate to New Harren
# The exchange of prisoners of war
# The establishment of an Unnuaq mission exclusion zone among the 18 Missions of St. Thomas in the former northeastern fringe of the Confederation, providing that Algoquona demilitarize the area and allow privileges for the missions to continue their ministry
# The exclusion of Urcean citizens and commercial interests from Algoquona
# A non-binding general agreement and understanding of peace and disarmament in Northwestern Crona, particularly by Urcea; this provision was known as Article 25


== Failure and aftermath ==
===In society===
The provisions of the treaty were controversial in both Urcea and Algoquona; in Urcea, the government lead by [[James Cossus Reed]] was criticized as being too lenient on the Algoquonans, whom they had just defeated in war, while many in Algoquona considered the treaty a betrayal of the legacy of the Confederation. Despite initial unrest, however, the treaty entered into force in November of 2012 and provided the basis of peaceful relations and coexistence for the next three years. Beginning in 2015, however, Algoquona began to lodge a series of formal complaints with the League of Nations that Urcea was violating the spirit of the treaty as well as the letter of Article 25 by its increasing militarization and involvement in the South Nysdra War, and that the annexation of Cetsencalia was a violation of the treaty. In turn, Urcea also began to lodge formal complaints and issue requests for compliance to Algoquona for ongoing issues relating to the harassment of the Unnuaq mission exclusion zone. Particularly, local militias aligned with the Algoquonan government began to harass the mission zone with raids and kidnappings, though the Algoquonan government retained plausible deniability since it was not official government forces. Algoquona lost considerable diplomatic leverage with the adoption by the League of Nations of the Western Crona Emergency Resolution, which it voted against in the League of Nations General Assembly.
Although his cult of personality has been compared to that of [[Linge Chen]] in 21st century [[Corumm]], Kalma’s cult differs as it was largely constructed after his death and in honour of his progressive and democratic reforms. He remains immensely popular in the Capetian consciousness, with every government and military coup following his death invoking his memory and contributing to the cult.  


A period of what many analysts referred to as "diplomatic bickering" continued through 2016, as the completion of the South Nysdra War and establishment of the Kingdom of [[Quetzenkel]] was viewed by Algoquona as an unacceptable breach. A growing consensus among the Council of Hierarchs indicated that the Treaty had outlived its usefulness, and that if it did not restrain Urcea from acting with impunity in Crona, it should be abrogated. Through much of October and early November, there was still enough support for the treaty until Urcea signed the [[Nysdra Sea Treaty Association|Nysdra Sea Treaty]] in mid November. Policymakers in Algoquona now directly viewed Urcea's ambitions as "nakedly imperial", and on November 28th, 2016, it announced it would be functionally abrogating the treaty by "no longer abiding by its provisions or participating in its settlements". Urcea's [[Ministry of State (Urcea)|Ministry of State]] made a last minute offer to renegotiate the Treaty.
Kiravian journalist V. X. Xoman remarked that:


Following the breakdown of the treaty and various provocations made against the mission territory and New Harren itself, Urcea launched [[Operation Mission Shield]], seizing the [[Unnuaq Chain]] by force and formally establishing Urcean military protection over the reinstated Unnuaq mission exclusion zone.
{{quote|quote=Thanks to him, every Capetian lives in a society that would have not existed without his effort. The legacy of his influence bears heavily on the nation. Sure, images of his face may appear in almost all official contexts from the headers of high-school exam papers to the largest banknotes - but they also appear spontaneously as fresheners hanging from car mirrors, in posters that adorn supermarkets, and in portraits that appear everywhere from private homes to the chicest of Cape Town cafes. }}
 
===In politics===
[[File:Ataturk Airport Karakas-1.jpg|thumb|250px|An aerial view of [[Cape Town]]’s [[Melvyn Kalma Airport]].]]
Kalma’s legacy has been invoked by every government since his death. Similar to the cult of the [[Marble Emperor]] in [[Kiravia]], Kalma’s name is used to lend legitimacy to state actions and ideologies that he, as a deceased person, could not possibly agree to. For example, his name was used by both the Communist insurgency of the 1990s and the government that opposed it; the former appealing to his ideations of worker-liberation and the latter appealing to his ideas of nationalism and unity.
 
Constitutional amendments proposed in the Supreme National Assembly begin with “in the honour of great Kalma”, and the phrase “as decreed by the National Father” is used before the delivery of the {{wp|Miranda warning|Miranda rights}}.
 
Appeals to his authority (known colloquially as appeals to Kalma) are common in Capetian politics. In instrumental terms, his name has been used successively by military leaders to overthrow elected governments. In ceremonial terms, every military coup concludes with an address to Kalma, and addresses opening a new convocation of the [[National Stanera]] are delivered at his Mausoleum and occasionally addressed to him.
 
===Kalma law===
Kalma’s legacy is protected under the 1951 [[Constitution of the Federacy of the Cape]], which declares illegal “insults towards his reforms, memory, and legacy”. Laws passed since have criminalized criticisms of his memory and are punishable with up to a year in prison and a fine of ₴100,000 Saers. In 2023, 14 people were charged under this law.
 
==Sociological analysis==
A variety of parallels have been drawn between his cult and that of Kiravia’s [[Marble Emperor]].
 
Coscivian nationalist historiography has asserted the “artificial” supplementation of the Marble Emperor with Melvyn Kalma in the consciousness of ethnically Coscivian Capetians by the Capetian state.


[[Category: The Deluge]]
[[Category: Urcea]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:Diplomacy]]
[[Category:Politics]]
[[Category: Problem Article]]

Revision as of 06:34, 20 October 2022

The grandiose Mausoleum of the National Father, where Kalma’s remains are interred.

Melvyn Kalma’s cult of personality was and is still a major element of the politics of the Federacy of the Cape. Although initiated by himself during the final years of his rule to cement his legacy as the first Chief of the Republic and Prime Executive of the Cape and the legacy of his reforms, it was continued and popularized extensively by members of his own Republican Nationalist Party and the regime of the National Reclamation Government. It has been described as the “world’s longest-running personality cult”.

Overview

Melvyn Kalma led the National Revolutionary Army in the Capetian War of Independence in the final years of the 19th century, defeating both Kiravia and Cartadanian Natalia to achieve Capetian independence by 1901. Under his leadership as both first head of state and head of government, the modern Capetian republic, the Federacy of the Cape, was declared.

Under his leadership as Prime Executive, Kalma embarked on a variety of reforms, Occidentalizing the Cape, and laying the groundwork for Cape nationalism and the birth of a coherent national identity from the three ethnicities that composed the country. To these ends, Kalma secularized the state, enacted a Western code of fundamental rights, instituted industrializing reforms, and promoted Cape Coscivian - a form of mutually intelligible creole popular in the southern Cape Peninsula - into a national language. Doing so, he is credited by many Capetians today for transforming the Cape into a modern nation state governed as a constitutional republic.

Following his death he was honoured with a variety of titles by the Supreme National Assembly, including “the Father of the Nation”, “Father of the Fatherland”, “the Marshal”, and “the Great Teacher”. He is known simply in Capetian vernacular as Prezident - “the President”, held in contrast to the term Restarkima, the modern term for the Capetian presidency. He still holds the eternal chairmanship of his Republican Nationalist Party.

Characteristics

Kalma’s legacy remains arguably the central element of Capetian politics into the 21st century. Almost every Capetian city has streets named after him, a memorial in his honour, with statues and portraits found in city squares, classrooms, public offices, and Capetian embassies abroad. A large mausoleum in his honour, the Mausoleum of the National Father, sits above Cape Town, and the city of Kalmasar, home to a majority of the Federacy’s ministries and its bureaucracy, bears his name.

In society

Although his cult of personality has been compared to that of Linge Chen in 21st century Corumm, Kalma’s cult differs as it was largely constructed after his death and in honour of his progressive and democratic reforms. He remains immensely popular in the Capetian consciousness, with every government and military coup following his death invoking his memory and contributing to the cult.

Kiravian journalist V. X. Xoman remarked that:

Thanks to him, every Capetian lives in a society that would have not existed without his effort. The legacy of his influence bears heavily on the nation. Sure, images of his face may appear in almost all official contexts from the headers of high-school exam papers to the largest banknotes - but they also appear spontaneously as fresheners hanging from car mirrors, in posters that adorn supermarkets, and in portraits that appear everywhere from private homes to the chicest of Cape Town cafes.

In politics

An aerial view of Cape Town’s Melvyn Kalma Airport.

Kalma’s legacy has been invoked by every government since his death. Similar to the cult of the Marble Emperor in Kiravia, Kalma’s name is used to lend legitimacy to state actions and ideologies that he, as a deceased person, could not possibly agree to. For example, his name was used by both the Communist insurgency of the 1990s and the government that opposed it; the former appealing to his ideations of worker-liberation and the latter appealing to his ideas of nationalism and unity.

Constitutional amendments proposed in the Supreme National Assembly begin with “in the honour of great Kalma”, and the phrase “as decreed by the National Father” is used before the delivery of the Miranda rights.

Appeals to his authority (known colloquially as appeals to Kalma) are common in Capetian politics. In instrumental terms, his name has been used successively by military leaders to overthrow elected governments. In ceremonial terms, every military coup concludes with an address to Kalma, and addresses opening a new convocation of the National Stanera are delivered at his Mausoleum and occasionally addressed to him.

Kalma law

Kalma’s legacy is protected under the 1951 Constitution of the Federacy of the Cape, which declares illegal “insults towards his reforms, memory, and legacy”. Laws passed since have criminalized criticisms of his memory and are punishable with up to a year in prison and a fine of ₴100,000 Saers. In 2023, 14 people were charged under this law.

Sociological analysis

A variety of parallels have been drawn between his cult and that of Kiravia’s Marble Emperor.

Coscivian nationalist historiography has asserted the “artificial” supplementation of the Marble Emperor with Melvyn Kalma in the consciousness of ethnically Coscivian Capetians by the Capetian state.

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