Reçêpistan

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Social Republic of Reçêpistan
Flag of Recepistan
of Recepistan
Flag
Motto: United in Diversity
Capital Kemet
Largest city Ashkagbat
Ethnic groups (2024)
Demonym Recépi
Government Popular Front
Legislature Supreme Assembly
Unitary
• Kingdom of Hamerh
850 BC
• Xazar Horde
612 AD
• Republic of Reçêpistan
1798
• State of Reçêpistan
1961
• Republic of Lezaria
1984
• Social Republic of Reçêpistan
2022
• Water (%)
24%
Population
• IY 2024 estimate
86,901,072
GDP (nominal) estimate
• Total
$176,249,312,027.00
• Per capita
$6,197.85
Gini (IY 2030) 39.7
medium
HDI (IY 2025) Decrease .62
medium
Currency Phoenix
• Summer (DST)
 (UTC+0)
Date format dd-mm-yy
Drives on the right side
Calling code 792

Ethnology[edit | edit source]

Although the majority of Recépis genetically are part of a western speaking Semitic peoples, amongst whom were the people of Yizcrae; both descendants of the Israelites. The emergence of the Samaritans as a separate ethnoreligious entity distinct amongst others in Ixnay Proper after the conquest of the (Unified) Kingdom of Canaan during the last conquests of the Šymmerian Late Kingdom before its stagnation.

Both archeological and Jewish tradition attest the deportation of the Israelites and the replacement of "foreign peoples" while the Kingdom of Hamerh remained a separate entity since they occupied their own territory around the Samarian Valley overlooked by Mount Velgirzim, according to Samaritan tradition; the Holiest of the Most Holy of Places were the original Pentateuch coming from the desert seated at the mountain's synagogue.

According to historians, the separation between the two main Jewish sects goes before the Šymmerian Conquest based on religious and topographical grounds. The major breakdown of relation between the two sects happened after the Samarian War, with the defeat and the enslavement of the Samaritans to the Ciqblöz nomad federation; mercenaries for the Caphirian Republic.

History[edit | edit source]

Ancient Times[edit | edit source]

It is evident that in Reçêpistan civilization exists since the paleolithic ages by the Olizieni civilization as archeological excavations have identified some 200 sites, located both in plain and mountain areas, but with a preference for low ridges, and largely organized around an economy of hunter-gatherer mixed with an initial presence of husbandry and agriculture. The settlements consisted of small stone huts, with a rectangular shaped wall supporting a wooden frame with a ceiling of boughs and erecting poles driven into the ground, with pavements composed of limestone slabs, basalt cobbles or clay. Large settlements, consisted of more complex structures and multiple room dwellings have a limiting understanding of their construction as no evidence of unique advanced tools or other objects at the individual huts suggest that they were a highly organized yet peaceful society. Lastly finely made ceramic pottery with complex patterns, incisions and surface decoration of Istroyan influence had also been found exhibiting trade relations with them. The most strange about this civilization was the constructs quite similar to menhir that is of Coscivian origin which puzzles archeologists to this day.

In about 1000 B.C. , two separate groups invaded from the "northern" frontier; the Old-Lez led by the brothers Myrithus & Cassiphos while the savage cannibalistic tribes of the Narciguls by Noktra "Iron Warrior". At that period; the Iron Age came to the land as harder and cheaper metal iron replaced bronze as a material for farm tools and weapons of war that meant to slash as iron proved the devastation of the peaceful Olizieni as traces of their civilization ceased to exist. At the same time, the Istroyan city-state of Magas crushed the Olizieni as well making the original population slaves of agriculture. The idea of monarchy and kings as the method of government was also brought to an end, and was replaced by the land owning aristocrats as the new form of government: slowly introducing a form of pseudo-democratic government.

In the earliest Šymmerian texts, in the western lands of beyond(somewhere in western modern day IxProp but there other speculations in case of misinterpered translation) was known as "Holy Caanan", the land of the Hebrews. The term appears in the Accounts of Lord Arettakmar describing as one of the regions inhabited by speakers of a different language led by a wise rulers; most famous being Elder Rabbi Hannina ruling for 40 years in the most turbulent times of his people. An uncivilized and nomadic people; the Uruks or Urrukites came to the region in force after terrible drought hitting their homeland many years prior somewhere in the south. They aggressively took advantage the lack of militarization within the Canaanite society sacking an array of 'great cities' slowly ascended to power in many locations as tribal chieftains with the principal amongst them Igbi-Chyen(many historians speculate the old-Corummese raider Suen or Chen) warring constantly with Isshuna and Nabu-Assun.

Dark Ages[edit | edit source]

Ciqblöz nomads[edit | edit source]

The origin of the Ciqblöz is shrouded to mystery and historians rely on few mythical origins but have been dismissed although their anthropological characteristics suggest that their geographical origin might be Corummese but contemporary historians depict them as "illiterate savages whom made their enemies cower in fear on their very resemblance; short beardless men full of scars, dwelling at swamps - stunted, foul and puny tribe, scarcely human and having no language save one which bore but slight resemblance to human speech. A testament of their inhumanity, as only beasts in human form can look like this."

Caphirian historian Theodorus Sceparnio Glysia "this barbarian stock do not mingle with any with any peoples come into contact with, for they occupy a land neither adjoining nor keep a roof under their heads out of fear. Instead preferring living in massive tent towns until they move unto next raid or offer their services to some foreign king. The myriad of small "free" tribes are kept for the moment together under the iron first one ruler or the other while larger enslaved peoples do more sophisticated work - alas the Ciqblöz are dependant on slave tribes to make their laws and hold their courts for their rulers and their people care little for earthly knowledge except that of warfare."

As testified, it has long been debated that the Ciqblöz didn't had a centralized form of government, it is noted that inside their courts Latin was also widely spoken and many former disgraced soldiers and officers joined the tribes to escape the law or other various reasons.

It cannot be established whether the Ciqblöz came as raiders or send envoys to the Caphirians to offer their services but either way their time was impeccable for the Semitid Empire had already invaded the Republic's buffer states with the help of the Samaritans while the Christians were tolerated to practice their religion freely(an action that would prove instrumental to the spread of Christianity as a whole). Despite the initial victories of the Semitid Imperial armies, they were no match for the impeding reinforcements from the pre-Corumm client states and the nomadic raiders. Following the defeat of both the Imperial Armies and the allied insurrectionist forces, Samaritans were sold to slavery.

The Ciqblöz confederation didn't remain dominant for a long period of time despite managing to settle into the mid-western fringes of the former Semitid Empire following it's collapse coupled with a religious revolution by followers of the old cult of Aten. Less than half a century later, Caphirian general and politician Claudio Scapiulla run a campaign north of the old border to match against his former allies; finding them uneasy to handle. During that time, at the Synod of {Insert Name} the Ciqblöz branded them as heterodox to the mainstream christian doctrine.

Xazars and Islamic contact[edit | edit source]

By 680's, the region had become entrenched by Muslim presence either invited by weakened heretical Christian leaders or outright conquest. By the early 700's, the original Xazarites had become Islamized and partially Arabized. Over time, the Islamization of the Xazars was in no doubt a consequence of these conquests, although they were neither forcibly converted to Islam nor systematically missionized by their Muslim conquerors. Largely because the Islamic teachings became an ideology through which the Xazars justified both their breakaway against the caliphs and their support of their rulers who rejected caliphal authority, Islam gained wide acceptance and spread rapidly among these violently independent Berber peoples. The Berbers changed their ways of life such as dresses, communal relationships and trade in conformity with Islam, where men began to wear turban and women put headscarfs but despite the intermarriages; the Xazars and in correlation the Recepis will not emerge as an Arab speaking nation.

By mid 700's, Calpiph had gone too far in the conquest of Ixnay to be willing to accept defeat at the hands of a Turkic speaking nomads, albeit professing Islam. A large army were sent from eastern Ixnay to help in suppressing the organized resistance. Commanded by Sirajuddeen el-Semaan, pursued them to Musaykah, where he was defeated and killed. The dates of these operations are uncertain, but they must have occurred before 788 when Humaid Qayyoom al-Ayoob Ibn Qays himself was killed in an attack on Caphivarian positions westwards. The stiff resistance they faced was unexpected especially at Kāhinah. Kaalim el-Naderi occupied Magas, the centre of Caphivarian administration in southern Ixnay, and began constructing his own separate powerbase there in secret while constructing Salep. These successes of naval supremacy in the south forced the Caphivarians to evacuate their remaining positions on the southern coasts leaving the periphery becoming Oduniyyad Caliphate provinces and paving centuries later domination of Corummese domination in the area.

Temporary Settlement at {Insert Name}[edit | edit source]

Settlement at Reçêpistan[edit | edit source]

Since the 1st century BC, the land was constantly contested. Most battles, and thus most fortifications, were concentrated in the hilly regions of the north and west, the only dangers expected from the south were occasional raids by nomadic tribesmen or Arab punitive expeditions. Never had major empires or kingdoms unified the area but that didn't stop the creation independent Arab Shia dissident principalities, nomadic Sunni tribesmen, the semi-independent Caphivarian Magas and the Slavic kingdom of Pomeralia.

After the Reçe Wars, a tribal chief of southeastern Reçêpistan, Al-Haruthna ibn Ammhata, had send envoy to the recently evicted Xazarites addressing them to come and settle on his land stating that they could find easily common ground since they share the same faith etc. Although Reçêpistan since ancient times was home to many different peoples ranging from natives to settlers or invaders from Istroyans mostly settled around Magas- to the Slavs that resided in Pomeralia.

A Revolutionary Establishment[edit | edit source]

The political situation at Lezaria has been heating up since the start of the economic crisis at 2013 in Recepistan, the ruling coalition under the Democratic Salvation for Motherland Lezaria spearheaded by the sectarian Minare Alliance(a mostly Sunni Muslim party) supported by a cadre of other sectarian parties acting more or less as mere puppets. For years, sabotaging the elections behind-closed-doors; although it was a known secret for a few decades many did not paid attention as large scale political apathy ruled the day. Public Security Forces; the state police was involved in cracking down any protest with utmost violent means to suppress any opposition, corruption was rife amongst their ranks and many policemen were involved in the narcotic trade with Coscivian Mafia abroad selling to NCR.

Solidarity to other Muslim or Arab states was expressed frequently with the aim to change the political system from one of consensus amongst different sects, towards one where their power share would increase. Certain groups wished to bring about a more secular and democratic order but these more progressive demands of the initial agenda were suddenly dropped by 2006; without a word again, probably another series of silenced victims of the regime. Islamists did not support a secular order in the country and wished to bring about rule by Muslim clerics. Alevi cleric Sayyid Ravat documented these events, especially the role of Ali-Islamii hencemen, in changing the agenda being pursued by many groups, including wealthy capitalists. This ragtag coalition has often been referred to as right-wing, but many participants were actually very liberal in contrast to the ultra-conservative islamists that did not share any broader ideological agenda; rather, they were brought together by the short-term goal of establishing a new political order, each motivated by their own grievances. The National Emergency law was created during the beginning of the global economic recession giving police forces extended powers and increased political control over them, suspended constitutional rights, legalised censorship and abolished habeas corpus. It limits non-governmental political activity, including demonstrations, unapproved political organizations and unregistered financial donations. Citing the threat of terrorism in extending emergency law, claiming that opposition groups could gain power violently in Recepistan if the government did not forgo parliamentary elections and suppress the group through emergency law. This has led to the imprisonment of activists without trial, illegal, undocumented and hidden detention facilities, the rejection of university, religious(Alevis & some Samaritans especially opposed this stating support for merit and equal opportunity) and newspaper staff based on their political affiliation. This law effectively cemented the oligo-party state forming against socialist tendencies. Human-rights organizations estimate as many as 35,000 people were in long-term detention without charge or trial, many of these individuals weren't found again. Corruption levels worsened as the became dependent on its institutionalization to secure support from their party members. The rise of pervasive patronage as a means of progression in life via politics soon led to wide spread reports of kickbacks, bribes and embezzlement. Although economic ratings increased due to ease of doing business, investment security corrupt perception indices were going the other way showing signs of long-term stagnation as bottlenecks, failed projects and mismanagement became pervasive. Regularly, contracts would be issued to Minare Party members especially and business people with no intention of them being completed, but simply to offer the individuals regular payments in exchange for loyalty or favors. By 2013, Recepistan was one the most corrupt states in Ixnay.

Kidnapping and death of Free Banners men by the Public Security Forces, autopsy showed brutal interrogation techniques utilizing electric shocks, their fingernails ripped out and worst lit cigar at their eye socket. An autopsy report submitted by an independent committee, "the vast majority of the prisoners were exposed during their imprisonment to severe physical torture. The methods of torture that were utilized on these persons were beatings aimed at various parts of the body, electric shocks, wounds deliberately inflicted on the ears, burns on the legs, their fingernails ripped out and worst case was a lit cigar at one of the subject's eye socket". Many of the paramilitaries had been aggrevated by the situation, low police discipline cohesion led to numerous armed clashes between them with SDC high-ranking members urging necessary action must be taken. Loyalist provocateurs with unregistered jeeps with loaded weapons, like an army of occupation in public places far away from the frontier since the Free Banners had taken over the role as an unofficial military for the country funded and organized solely by SDC upsetting many veterans.

The situation placed the party leadership in a severe dilemma: if they used force to oust the corrupt kleptocracy, they would alienate themselves from the world community as another illegitimate government making a violent takeover of authority. However, if they refused to act striking back they would lose respect of their supporters. SDC officials made plea to foreign governments to influence the government to desist from undermining their own democratic principles and stop this blatant abuse of power, instead in the world press there were sensationalized reports that one of the last fascist parties plea on the basis of democratic principles surrounded by their own private gunmen. To make matters worse, the new Interior Minister Selim Habat issued an edict and passed by Parliament regarding public arms carry, ammunition storage, and holding demonstrations and meetings without prior governmental consent. International anti-gun lobbies praised the move to reduce gun violence in the nation willing to push similar agenda to their home-countries not knowing what was really going on inside the country.

Negotiations were relayed with the anarchists in Pomeralia waging anti-government guerilla warfare for the last few decades pleading on their patriotic duty to save the country and asking them if they are willing to assist them in their 'justified cause'. Solomon Nadim as General Secretary tried his best talking with foreign ambassadors fearing it would start a dangerous cycle of violence. Free Banners units had been losing patience with security agencies over arbitrary use of power; on one instance a family was kidnapped from their homes in Kemet and moved outside of Salep, locals telephoned from relatives asked assistance of the local garrison helping them liberate the family from the police units marching outside the station behind a tank stating their intentions loud and clear. The family was released quickly with the ruling coalition responding as blatant violation of the rule of law. A growing sign of the upcoming civil strife.

Recently declassified material provides a richly detailed account of how Levantine nations especially haphazardly developed plans to deploy forces, vacillated between promoting and discouraging Corummese or even Caphivarian military intervention, and remained on the back foot throughout the rapidly developing crisis. The combination of these errors prevented saving the government from the potential revolutionary onslaught, while eventually leading to the disastrous defeat of the government forces. Contemporary memoirs, public statements, and diplomatic cables suggest that several key international actors involved in the crisis acknowledged the failure of diplomatic maneuvers. Returning to the drawing board, Levantine posture remained centered on deterrence rather than preparedness for intervention towards their "investment" in the country since it became international banking capital for a time.

On the evening of 14 April, Selim Nadim had called his advisors for an emergency meeting. Abdulhakim Erilstein, Baran Poyrazoğlu, Lemuel Shaker-Tal, Dağhan Akışık, Kutay Yom Tov and Kuni Rüzgaroğlu were among those who were present; for some time they had been urging Nadim to sort the situation out. The generals estimated that it would take two or three days for the police forces to regroup from Pomeralia into major cities in order to arrest or fight the Free Banners which would result into a bloodbath. Two days later, 60 tanks entered the capital Salep from different directions without orders and shelled the armed police amassed forces. They put up a stiff resistance as they were well preparing to launch a self-coup few hours later themselves and attempt to detain the Free Banners, and the fighting lasted the next three days without break. Simultaneously, the anarchists launched a huge offensive with semi-convential means surrounding and attacking police forces in Pomeralia in order to hold them inside the regions and prevent them from reinforcing the government forces. The unofficial alliance was now on effect, this proved a psychological victory for the rebels and a useful propaganda tool to recruit international volunteers to their cause.

Kutay Yom Tov and Kuni Rüzgaroğlu becaming leading figures with their troops(and their infamous wit) in the infamous "Hundred Days War", in which they successfully resisted the government shelling and attacking at Salep for about three months before they got overrun. Standard tactics of the day were taking high buildings using snipers and heavy weapons against anything it moved including civilians. They fought ferociously for 90 days against the government backed militias and police forces while trying to heed civilians to leave the area despite belonging primarily to the Minare Alliance power base(the Sunni majority area). In the end they paid the ultimate price trying to fight the government in their home-turf. Corruption was now extended to the war-effort, with Public Security Forces creating protection rackets and turning security checkpoints into money making machines.


Climate[edit | edit source]

Environment[edit | edit source]

The country's climate can be characterized by a long, semi-hot, and dry summer, and a cold, rainy and sometimes snowy winter. Fall is a transitional season with a lowering of temperature and little rain; spring occurs when the winter rains cause the vegetation to revive. Topographical variation creates local modifications of the basic climatic pattern. Along the coast, summers are warm and humid, with little. Heavy dews form, which are beneficial to agriculture. The daily range of temperature is not wide. A west wind provides relief during the afternoon and evening; at night the wind direction is reversed, blowing from the land out to sea.

Winter is the rainy and snowy season, with major precipitation falling after early January. Rainfall is generous, falling in heavy cloudbursts. The amount of rainfall varies greatly from one year to another. Snow is common in inland mountainous areas, with temperatures reaching an average of −1 Celsius in December, −9 Celsius in January, and −5 Celsius in February. A hot wind blowing from the north-west or the east, may cause sudden increase in temperatures, mostly in spring. Bitterly cold winds often come from Omnium Sea. Along the coast the proximity to the sea provides a moderating influence on the climate, making the range of temperatures narrower than it is inland, but the temperatures are cooler in the eastern parts of the coast where there is also more rain.

In Pomeralia the high increase in altitude produces extremely cold winters with more precipitation and snow. The summers have a wider daily range of temperatures and less humidity. In the winter, frosts are frequent and snows are heavy; in fact, snow covers the highest peaks for much of the year. In the summer, temperatures may rise as high as 27 Celius during the day, but they fall far lower at night. Inhabitants of the coastal cities, as well as visitors, seek refuge from the oppressive humidity of the coast by spending much of the summer in the mountains, where numerous summer resorts are located. The influence of the Mediterranean Sea is abated by the altitude and, although the precipitation is even higher than it is along the coast, the range of temperatures is wider and the winters are more severe. Much of the mountains, the steep slopes of the mountains, and the heavy rainstorms give a soft character to it due to its composition in limestone.

Because of their altitudes, Pomeralia receive more precipitation than the lower valleys, despite their remoteness from maritime influences. Much of this precipitation appears as snow, and the peaks of Tam-Shalam. The country is watered by 3 rivers.

Issues & Response[edit | edit source]

One of the major environmental issues in Recepistan was water supply. The country has great water resources than many other countries; however, it is at increasing risk of shortages, particularly during the dry summers due to lack of storage capacity as increasing demand for irrigation during that period. Large-scale projects to improve water supply are funded by the government and by foreign agencies, it is an extreme opinion amongst some individuals fearing re-desertification of the country as 200 years before.

Government & Politics[edit | edit source]

As a developing republican nation, Reçêpistan has survived the trials and tribulations of Ixnayanian politics as public life has experienced upheavals of liberal democracy since gaining independence however by the mid-20th century falling under a military regime as political strife theatened the population to tear each other apart and despite not suffering as others have under dictatorships imposed by some neighboring regimes the very suspension of free will even temporarily proved an enormous setback to Recépi democratic institutions to this day.

The resumption of the parliamentary elections was reinforced by new laws governing the media and publishing as well as mass lifting of restrictions on freedoms of expression. Following the legalization of political parties in 1984 saw the first multi-party elections held since 1959. The country was becoming slowly politically open but the disintegration of the Socialist Party following the death of President Ibrahim Noildru proved fatal for the reemergence of the old democracy. Political apathy combined with increasingly sectarian politics paved the way for the Minare Party taking over control alongside with puppet parties until 2019.

Since 2025 the country is slowly getting back on track towards it's democratization commitment fulfilling the wishes of the people back in 1991, 30 years late.

Political Parties[edit | edit source]

Human Rights[edit | edit source]

Law System[edit | edit source]

Security[edit | edit source]

Law enforcement in Reçêpistan is increasingly centralized at national level. The Recépi Police Force(RPF) is headed in a de jure sense by the Ministry of Interior, however, although the Minister sets the general policy direction stance towards law and order as a whole, the Chief of Police is the day-to-day head of the force. Underneath the Chief of Police is the Deputy Chief of Police whose role is largely advisory, though in the event of the Chief of Police being unable to assume his duties the Deputy Chief will take over as the interim head. It is considered a unitary force by most accounts but the country maintain various agencies for assisting concurrent operations and avoid power vested to a single supernational agency in order to fight effectively corruption.The Cyber Crime Center under the auspices of the police force has organised a number of Conferences all over the country, to inform kids and parents about the dangers that a child can have while using the internet. The Secretary(Deputy Minister) for Department of Public Protection has under it's jurisdiction the powerful Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, Explosives and Cults(BATFEC) - the State Investigation Bureau and the Under-Secretary overseeing the Office of Corrections(the prison system). There is also an autonomous Secreteriat: Anti-Corruption Combat Agency is the by far the largest of the many offices and agencies investigating corrupt practices.

The Ministry of Homeland Safety has under it's own separate jurisdiction the Internal Regulatory Force, the country's national Gendarmerie force that also serve as border guards, the Secret Service, and TKDB. It also hosts the regulatory Internal Affairs Agency outside Interior Ministry jurisdiction to avoid meddling with anti-corruption investigations happening on concurrent phase.

The Ministry of Public Transportation & Tourism maintains the Infarstructure Security Agency; is one of the oldest police agency originally started as railroad policemen is now responsible for the protection of public(meaning mass used, not government owned) transit facilities and personnel whom patrol public rail, aviation and naval transit systems acting as uniformed customs, immigration control and security agents and assist both private and other agencies on their tasks.

Border enforcement(crossing checkpoints) is inter-agency affair between ISA and IRF but only with countries that Reçêpistan, in the cases of NCR or Aetheryion the few border checkpoints are closed and guarded by NRA troops

Foreign Relations[edit | edit source]

Economy[edit | edit source]

Reçêpistan turned to a new social economic policy where cooperative corporatism and syndicalistic organisational norms dominate the national economy, dubbing the nation as a mixed-economy. Many of these collective bodies are organised into larger organisations and 'federations' that usually partake in the national economic forums. The primary institution that manages the national economy and fiances is the Pan-Recépi National Economic Commission(or NEC for short), which is further divided into several other sub-commissions manage the national economy. Until recently as part of it's Reconstruction Management Programm, NEC resembled in many ways central planned economy of former and current communist nations but with relaxed bureacratic regulations, as of 2029 Reçêpistan has been undertaking a slow de-nationalization process: privatizing most of the economy with large opposition from various political circles in a slow and albeit careful transition as corruption is tackled with utmost impunity.

Modern Recépi economic policies are centered around mix protectionist & mercantilism in order to protect small business and limit over-reliance on external imports, transforming the nation into a reliable trading giant on the continent. Reçêpistan is considered as a newly-emerged post-industrial economy, with the service sector, resource extraction and agriculture being it's primary drive, manufacturing used to be the largest sector pre-Quds War.