Rumahokian transition to democracy: Difference between revisions

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[[Rumahoki]]'s transition towards democratisation started with the [[Velvet Revolution|Velvet Revolution of 1994]]. It would end with the enactment of the [[Constitution of Rumahoki]] in 1996.
[[Rumahoki]]'s transition towards democratisation started with the [[Velvet Revolution|Velvet Revolution of 1994]] as well as the subsequent [[Período de Salvación Democrática]] civil war period. It would end with the enactment of the [[Constitution of Rumahoki]] in 1996.


==Background: the Pascual-Torres era==
==Background: the Pascual-Torres era==
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On 30 April 1994, a group of younger officers belonging to an underground anti-Pascualist organisation, the [[Democratic Rebirth Society]] (''Sociedad del Renacimiento Democrático'', SRD; ''Kasikasgau des Reneisensa Demaukrata'', KRD), overthrew the Torres regime, and Quintero emerged as at least the titular chief executive of the new government. The uprising succeeded within hours with virtually no bloodshed. Torres and other high-ranking officials of the old regime were arrested and exiled, many to [[The Cape]], while [[Maximilian I of Rumahoki|Emperor Maximilian I]], who from 1976 until 1996 served as the ceremonial head-of-state, declared his support in favour of the revolutionaries. The military seized control of all important institutions.
On 30 April 1994, a group of younger officers belonging to an underground anti-Pascualist organisation, the [[Democratic Rebirth Society]] (''Sociedad del Renacimiento Democrático'', SRD; ''Kasikasgau des Reneisensa Demaukrata'', KRD), overthrew the Torres regime, and Quintero emerged as at least the titular chief executive of the new government. The uprising succeeded within hours with virtually no bloodshed. Torres and other high-ranking officials of the old regime were arrested and exiled, many to [[The Cape]], while [[Maximilian I of Rumahoki|Emperor Maximilian I]], who from 1976 until 1996 served as the ceremonial head-of-state, declared his support in favour of the revolutionaries. The military seized control of all important institutions.


Quintero regarded the military's action as a simply military uprising aimed at reorganising the political structure with himself as the head, a "''revitalización''" (revitalisation), in his words. Within days, however, it became clear that the uprising had released long pent-up frustrations when thousands, and then tens of thousands of Delepasians spontaneously poured into the streets celebrated the downfall of the regime and demanding further change than was Quintero had been hoping. The coercive apparatus of the Estado Social – secret police, National Men-at-Arms Regiment, official party, censorship – were all soon overwhelmed and abolished. Workers began taking over shops from owners, peasants seized private lands, low-level employees took over hospitals from doctors and administrators, and government offices were occupied by workers who sacked the old management and demanded a thorough housecleaning.
Quintero regarded the military's action as simply a military uprising aimed at reorganising the political structure with himself as the head, a "''revitalización''" (revitalisation), in his words. Within days, however, it became clear that the uprising had released long pent-up frustrations when thousands, and then tens of thousands of Delepasians spontaneously poured into the streets celebrated the downfall of the regime and demanding further change than what Quintero had been hoping. The coercive apparatus of the Estado Social – secret police, National Men-at-Arms Regiment, official party, censorship – were all soon overwhelmed and abolished. Workers began taking over shops from owners, peasants seized private lands, low-level employees took over hospitals from doctors and administrators, and government offices were occupied by workers who sacked the old management and demanded a thorough housecleaning.


Very early on, the demonstrations began to be manipulated by organised political elements, principally the Marxists and other groups farther to the left. Radical labour and peasant leaders emerged from the underground where they had been operating for many years to escape Pascualist reprisal. [[Francisco Carvalho]], the leader of the nascent [[People's Democratic Party]], and [[Manuel Ruiz]], former general and member of the Pascualist regime who converted to Marxism during his exile, returned from exile to Delepasia within days of the revolt and received heroes' welcomes.
Very early on, the demonstrations began to be manipulated by organised political elements, principally the Marxists and other groups farther to the left. Radical labour and peasant leaders emerged from the underground where they had been operating for many years to escape Pascualist reprisal. [[Francisco Carvalho]], the leader of the nascent [[People's Democratic Party]], and [[Manuel Ruiz]], former general and member of the Pascualist regime who converted to Marxism during his exile, returned from exile to Delepasia within days of the revolt and received heroes' welcomes.
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Gradually, however, the DR Society emerged as the most powerful single group in Delepasia as it overruled Quintero in several major decisions. Members of the DR Society formed the National Liberation Command (''Comando de Liberación Nacional'' - COLINA) composed of 15,000 elite troops with Major (later Brigadier General) [[Vito Borbon]] as its commander. Known universally by his first name Vito, Borbon had directed the 30 April uprising. Because the regular police withdrew from the public sector during the time of revolutionary turmoil and the military was somewhat divided, COLINA became the most important force for order in the country and was firmly under the control of radical left-wing officers.
Gradually, however, the DR Society emerged as the most powerful single group in Delepasia as it overruled Quintero in several major decisions. Members of the DR Society formed the National Liberation Command (''Comando de Liberación Nacional'' - COLINA) composed of 15,000 elite troops with Major (later Brigadier General) [[Vito Borbon]] as its commander. Known universally by his first name Vito, Borbon had directed the 30 April uprising. Because the regular police withdrew from the public sector during the time of revolutionary turmoil and the military was somewhat divided, COLINA became the most important force for order in the country and was firmly under the control of radical left-wing officers.


Quintero formed a second provisional government in mid-June with army Colonel (later General) [[Augusto Ortega]] as his head of government, eight military officers, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists. Quintero chose Ortega because he was a moderate, but he was to move increasingly to the left as he served as prime minister in four more provisional governments, between June 1994 and August 1995 before becoming commander-in-chief until December of 1995. Quintero's position further weakened when he was obliged to consent of the formation of the Loa-majority states of [[Kalanatoa]] and [[Na'aturie]] as well as a dismantling of the [[Navidadian System]], rather than allowing for a limited amount of Loa to run for public office in [[Navidadia]] as outlined in his book. Kalanatoa and Na'aturie were both officially declared as states within Rumahoki in 30 April 1996, months after the nation would finally stabilise. Quintero attempted to seize full power in mid-July of 1994, but was blocked by COLINA and forced out of the commandership. His replacement was the moderate General [[Fidel de la Pena]], who with Ortega formed a third provisional government with heavy DR Society membership, nine military officers in all, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists.
Quintero formed a second provisional government in mid-June with army Colonel (later General) [[Augusto Ortega]] as his head of government, eight military officers, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists. Quintero chose Ortega because he was a moderate, but he was to move increasingly to the left as he served as prime minister in four more provisional governments and even held the commandership in one provisional government, between June 1994 and August 1995 before becoming commander-in-chief until December of 1995. Quintero's position further weakened when he was obliged to consent of the formation of the Loa-majority states of [[Kalanatoa]] and [[Na'aturie]] as well as a dismantling of the [[Navidadian System]], rather than allowing for a limited amount of Loa to run for public office in [[Navidadia]] as outlined in his book. Kalanatoa and Na'aturie were both officially declared as states within Rumahoki in 30 April 1996, months after the nation would finally stabilise. Quintero attempted to seize full power in mid-July of 1994, but was blocked by COLINA and forced out of the commandership. His replacement was the moderate General [[Fidel de la Pena]], who with Ortega formed a third provisional government with heavy DR Society membership, nine military officers in all, and members of the PNC, PDP, and the Marxists.
 
 
 
 
 
In the next year, Delepasian politics moved steadily leftward. The Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and it was consolidating its hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The DR Society came ever more under the control of its radical wing, and some of its members came under the influence of the Marxists. In addition, smaller, more radical left-wing groups joined up with the Marxists in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies.
 
An attempted uprising by Quintero in early March 1995 failed, and he fled the country. In response to this attack from the right, radical elements of the military abolished the Junta for the Salvation of Civility and formed the Council of the National Revolution as the country's most powerful governing body. The council was made responsible to a 240-member radical military legislature, the Congress of the Armed Forces. A fourth provisional goverment was formed, more radical than its predecessor, and was under the influence and leadership of Ortega, with eight military officers, and members of the PNC, PDP, the Marxists, and the [[Social Democratic Commission]] (''Comisión Socialdemócrata'' - CSD), a party that was getting increasingly close to the Marxists.
 
The new government began a wave of {{wp|nationalisations}} of banks and large businesses. As these banks were often holding companies, the government came after a time to own almost all the country's newspapers, insurance companies, hotels, construction companies and many other kinds of businesses, so that its share of the country's gross national product amounted to 85%.


==The civil war period==
==The civil war period==
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Initially, the pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces were effective at fighting back against the socialist factions, winning a few decisive battles throughout the rest of 1994 up to early 1995. Moderate democrats and Delepasian intellectuals had at first sided with Quintero under the promise that he would instill a mildly liberal democratic form of government. To them, they saw the counter-revolutionaries as key to a stable and prosperous nation, a democracy guaranteed by a politically-active military that would keep away the hardline Pascualists and the radical socialists. Indeed, by early 1995, the conservative faction had occupied the entirety of the coastal regions south of [[Portas Gemeas]], including the capital of Santa Maria. To the rest of the world, it looked like the civil war was at an end, with many nations extending diplomatic relations to Quintero's government.
Initially, the pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces were effective at fighting back against the socialist factions, winning a few decisive battles throughout the rest of 1994 up to early 1995. Moderate democrats and Delepasian intellectuals had at first sided with Quintero under the promise that he would instill a mildly liberal democratic form of government. To them, they saw the counter-revolutionaries as key to a stable and prosperous nation, a democracy guaranteed by a politically-active military that would keep away the hardline Pascualists and the radical socialists. Indeed, by early 1995, the conservative faction had occupied the entirety of the coastal regions south of [[Portas Gemeas]], including the capital of Santa Maria. To the rest of the world, it looked like the civil war was at an end, with many nations extending diplomatic relations to Quintero's government.


Vito Borbon, fearing that the revolution was in jeopardy, offered to cease hostilities and to join up with the Junta to put an end to the counter-revolutionary forces. Negotiations between the two factions resulted in many of the conditions that the Borbonists had wanted being fulfilled, most notably land reform, turning the new Delepasia (renamed Rumahoki) into a federation, a constitutional commitment to the transition to socialism, and a constitutionally-designated {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Satisfied, hostilities between the two socialist factions ended with the formation of the [[Rumahokian United Front]], and attention soon turned towards the Quintero government. The tide of war turned quick, popular partisan militias became more numerous, and successful attacks against pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces increased tenfold. By December of 1995, Quintero was forced to flee the country ahead of the advancing revolutionary forces, and by January of 1996 the last of the counter-revolutionary forces surrendered, thus ending the civil war. Fearing a potential purge or reprisals, most moderate democratic politicians and Delepasian intellectuals quickly swore loyalty to the victors. Others opted to flee the country.
Vito Borbon, fearing that the revolution was in jeopardy, offered to cease hostilities and to join up with the Junta to put an end to the counter-revolutionary forces. Negotiations between the two factions resulted in many of the conditions that the Borbonists had wanted being fulfilled, most notably land reform, turning the new Delepasia (renamed Rumahoki) into a federation, a constitutional commitment to the transition to socialism, and a constitutionally-designated {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Satisfied, hostilities between the two socialist factions ended with the formation of the [[Council of the National Revolution]] in August of 1995, and attention soon turned towards the Quintero government. The tide of war turned quick, popular partisan militias became more numerous, and successful attacks against pro-Quintero and counter-revolutionary forces increased tenfold. By December of 1995, Quintero was forced to flee the country ahead of the advancing revolutionary forces, and by January of 1996 the last of the counter-revolutionary forces surrendered, thus ending the civil war. Fearing a potential purge or reprisals, most moderate democratic politicians and Delepasian intellectuals quickly swore loyalty to the victors. Others opted to flee the country.
 
The Council became the nation's most powerful governing body. The council was made responsible to a 240-member radical military legislature, the Congress of the Armed Forces. A fourth provisional government was formed, more radical than its predecessor, and was under the influence and leadership of Augusto Ortega, with eight military officers, and members of the PNC, PDP, the Marxists, and the [[Social Democratic Commission]] (''Comisión Socialdemócrata'' - CSD), a party that was getting increasingly close to the Marxists. Socialists and Marxists were highly successful in placing its members in many national and local political and administrative offices, and they were consolidating their hold on the country's {{wp|labour unions}}. The Council came ever more under the control of its left-wing and far-left factions. Furthermore, smaller groups aligned with the radical left joined up with the larger left-wing factions in staging demonstrations that brought about the increasing adoption of leftist policies, including nationalisations of private companies.
 
The new government began a wave of {{wp|nationalisations}} of banks and large businesses. As these banks were often holding companies, the government came after a time to own almost all the country's newspapers, insurance companies, hotels, construction companies and many other kinds of businesses, so that its share of the country's gross national product amounted to 85%.


==Transition to civilian rule==
==Transition to civilian rule==
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A degree of compromise among competing political visions of how the new Rumahokian state should be organised was reached, and the country's new Constitution was proclaimed on 31 December 1996, paving the way to the termination of the provisional governments and of the Período de Salvación Democrática. By 21 January in 1997, the first constitutional government, a coalition government between the PDP and the PNC led by [[Francisco Carvalho]], was sworn in. The PDP continues to be the ruling party of Rumahoki to this day, now holding a majority government ever since the [[2000 Rumahokian legislative election|2000 elections]].
A degree of compromise among competing political visions of how the new Rumahokian state should be organised was reached, and the country's new Constitution was proclaimed on 31 December 1996, paving the way to the termination of the provisional governments and of the Período de Salvación Democrática. By 21 January in 1997, the first constitutional government, a coalition government between the PDP and the PNC led by [[Francisco Carvalho]], was sworn in. The PDP continues to be the ruling party of Rumahoki to this day, now holding a majority government ever since the [[2000 Rumahokian legislative election|2000 elections]].


These elections could be said to be the definitive end of the period of revolution. Moderate democratic parties received most of the vote, with a coalition government being formed between the PNC and the PDP. Revolutionary achievements were not discarded, however. The constitution pledged the country to realise {{wp|socialism}}, and the PDP maintains its commitment to the transition towards socialism and as the nation's {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Furthermore, the constitution declared that the extensive nationalisations and land seizures of 1996 were irreversible. The military supported these commitments through a pact with the main political parties that guaranteed its guardian rights over the new democracy for four more years.
These elections could be said to be the definitive end of the period of revolution. Moderate democratic parties received most of the vote, with a coalition government being formed between the PNC and the PDP. Revolutionary achievements were not discarded, however. The constitution pledged the country to realise {{wp|socialism}}, and the PDP maintains its commitment to the transition towards socialism and as the nation's {{wp|vanguardism|vanguard party}}. Furthermore, the constitution declared that the extensive nationalisations and land seizures of 1996 were irreversible. The military supported these commitments through a pact with the main political parties that guaranteed its guardian rights over the new democracy, as well as the continuation of the Council of the National Revolution, for four more years. The Council was dissolved in 2001, ending the military's role in the nation's politics.


During its near-40 years in power, the PDP has cemented Velvetine socialism as the party's main ideology as guided by [[Carvalhoism|Carvalho's ideological viewpoints]], has transitioned Rumahoki's economy towards one where the state maintains an active role in {{wp|dirigism}}, and has established special economic zones (SEZs) over the states of [[Portas Gemeas]] and the [[Federal District]]. By 2005, the results of these economic policies allowed for the nation to experience economic growth for the first time since 1993, soon reaching to VEA levels in 2011, partly thanks to Rumahoki having joined the VEA in the early 2000s.
During its near-40 years in power, the PDP has cemented Velvetine socialism as the party's main ideology as guided by [[Carvalhoism|Carvalho's ideological viewpoints]], has transitioned Rumahoki's economy towards one where the state maintains an active role in {{wp|dirigism}}, and has established special economic zones (SEZs) over the states of [[Portas Gemeas]] and the [[Federal District]]. By 2005, the results of these economic policies allowed for the nation to experience economic growth for the first time since 1993, soon reaching to VEA levels in 2011, partly thanks to Rumahoki having joined the VEA in the early 2000s.
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* [[Assumption Accords]] - what led to the Estado Social becoming increasingly isolated
* [[Assumption Accords]] - what led to the Estado Social becoming increasingly isolated
* [[Lushan Square Massacre]] - an attempt at a similar event in [[Daxia]] that was repressed
* [[Lushan Square Massacre]] - an attempt at a similar event in [[Daxia]] that was repressed
{{Vallos topics}}
[[Category:Rumahoki]]
[[Category:Rumahoki]]
[[Category:Velvet Revolution]]
[[Category:Velvet Revolution]]
[[Category:Political history of Rumahoki]]
[[Category:Political history of Rumahoki]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
{{Template:Award winning article}}
[[Category:2024 Award winning pages]]
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