Political ideologies in Castadilla

Formal political ideologies in Castadilla are aligned based upon the left-right political spectrum, an axis used to classify political positions in relation to their emphasis on either social equality or social hierarchy. Most Castadillaans identify as at least one of four main ideologies: socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and nationalism; it is very common for one to identify as being any combination of two of the four main ideologies, with political polarisation being largely miniscule for the most part thanks to the four ideological groups more or less cooperating with each other during the era of the provisional government after the end of the Velvet Revolution.

Castadilla, alongside Pelaxia, have often been called the "cradle of socialism", and the main subsections within modern Castadillaan socialism include Velvetine Socialism, Cabacero Socialism, and even various flavours of socialist-aligned social democracy; the former two having emerged from the Velvetine faction of the Velvet Revolution while the latter developed throughout the latter half of the 19th Century and had gained prominence as the left-wing faction of the anti-Pascualist opposition groups which were formed in the late 1940s. Castadillaan liberalism traces its lineage back to the late 18th Century as the result of the initial egalitarian ethos of early Delepasian nationalism (not to be confused with Delepasian exceptionalism) as well as constitutionalism and even republicanism; in recent years, Castadillaan liberalism has been closely aligned with neoliberalism. Conservatism in Castadilla mostly emerged as a response to the rise of liberal ideologies in the early 19th Century and has historically enjoyed close relations with the Catholic Church, and in the present is most often associated with Christian democracy. Modern-day Castadillaan nationalism is most commonly associated with various flavours of Delepasian exceptionalism, though more moderate and less exclusionary forms of nationalism do exist across the political spectrum with the most prominent being Castadillaanism.

The earliest instances of political ideologies in what is now Castadilla began with the emergence of Delepasian nationalism in the late 18th Century which challenged the long-standing notion that the colonists of the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas were Pelaxians. The rise of the nascent Delepasian identity would lead to the emergence of constitutionalism and even republicanism as calls for Delepasian self-government began to emerge. The latter years of Pelaxian colonial rule and the brief time that the Delepasian Kingdom had existed would see Delepasian nationalism split into new ideologies, including royalism, national constitutionalism, and national republicanism. In the years following the collapse of the short-lived Delepasian Kingdom, foralism and confederalism became the predominant ideologies of the new confederation. The rise of the Estado Social in the mid-1920s would see the rise of Pascualism as well as the institutionalisation of Delepasian exceptionalism; modern forms of liberalism, conservatism, and socialism would develop in response to Pascualist rule with all three ideological groups committing themselves to promoting a more democratic form of government. The finalisation of the development of the modern political ideologies in Castadilla would end in the late 1990s after the end of the Velvet Revolution, with Velvetine Socialism and national conservatism being some of the most prominent ideological developments.

With the fusion of ideologies being predominant throughout Castadilla's political history and with Christianity being a predominant religious identity across all the political spectrum, the easiest way to determine political leanings is through one's chosen theological movement; those who adhere to a more fundamentalist or even traditionalist form of Christian theology are generally more likely to be national conservative or a Delepasian exceptionalist, those who adhere to a less dogmatically political form of Christian theology tend to be identify with the political centre, and those who subscribe to liberationist forms of theology tend towards the political left.

History

Early Delepasianism

Juan Guerrero, noted author and early Delepasianist from whom the term "Delepasian" was coined.

The earliest instances of formal political ideologies in what is now Castadilla first emerged in the late 18th Century after the end of the Carto-Pelaxian Commonwealth in 1792. With the loss of modern-day Cartadania during the partitions and thus the end of the perceived privilege that the Cartadanians had held, the colonists in the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas began to assert themselves politically with the rise of Delepasian nationalism. Early Delepasian nationalists, such as the famed poet and author Juan Guerrero who coined the term "Delepasian" in 1797, were largely influenced by the Kilikas Enlightenment and thus professed early liberal ideas such as constitutionalism and even republicanism; many early nationalists wanted a "crowned republic" where a liberal government is established on the basis of popular sovereignty with a meritocratic political elite who would be in charge of leadership while the monarch served as a purely cultural and symbolic figurehead with no political power. This stood in direct opposition to long-standing notion that the colonists in the Viceroyalty identified as being Pelaxians, a notion that was supported by opponents of Delepasianism who were still loyal to the monarchy and the old aristocracy.

Delepasianism, particularly the radical "pure republican" faction, first entered into mainstream Pelaxian politics during the years of the First Pelaxian Republic. Although a form of nationalism, Delepasianism was closely-aligned to the beliefs of the staunch Pelaxian republican and Enlightenment thinker Luciano Valera who happened to be one of the three leaders of the First Republic; for many early Delepasianists, Valera's views were in support for Delepasian representation in the Pelaxian government, and many prominent officials during the First Republic, such as famed proto-socialist thinker Ernesto Chavez, were Delepasian. Delepasianism was the first major ideology in what is now Castadilla, and it served as the foundation for modern forms of socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and even nationalism in Castadilla.

Late colonial era and Delepasian Kingdom

Miguel de Pretorica, pictured here in 1854, was the forefather of early Castadillaan conservatism.

The end of the First Pelaxian Republic and the restoration of the Girojon monarchy in 1814 saw the rise in counter-Enlightenment thought in opposition to the liberal ideals that were championed for the past decade. This new ideological thought, while it took in certain ideas from early Delepasianism such as nationalism and constitutionalism, was very supportive of the Girojon monarchy, the old aristocracy, and the Catholic Church, seeing all three institutions as being a core aspect of the social hierarchy in Pelaxia. These new conservatives, known as "Modern Royalists" or simply as "Royalists", still saw potential in some of the ideas that have emerged from the Enlightenment, but they still called for these ideas to be tempered and moderated to ensure a stable and orderly society. They did, however, believe that Delepasians were entitled to their own government, a new kingdom that would serve as one half of a real union between them and Pelaxia known as the Pelaxio-Delepasian Union. The Royalists saw this proposal for a "dual monarchy" to be the only way to ensure Delepasian loyalty to the Pelaxian crown while also giving them full authority to handle their own internal affairs without running afoul of future policies made in Albalitor.

Delepasianism itself would be split into two new liberal camps. Moderate liberals, who have emphasised constitutionalism over republicanism, would be known as "National Constitutionalists". National Constitutionalists still advocated for popular sovereignty and meritocracy, but under a "liberal monarchy" wherein the monarch's power shall be limited by a constitution and that power will instead be in the hands of the meritocratic elite, who would handle the day-to-day governance. Unlike the Royalists, who still wished to remain as close to the Pelaxian crown as possible, the National Constitutionalists called for an independent Delepasian state that would either be under a personal union with Pelaxia or under the rule of a cadet branch of the Girojons; the former option would necessitate the retention of the office of the Viceroy as representative of the Pelaxian monarchy while the latter would see the office of the Viceroy be renamed to Prefect to the Crown. The status of aristocracy in the new Delepasian state would be debated upon, but most National Constitutionalist factions were largely hostile to the idea of establishing a new aristocracy.

The more radical camps of Delepasianism, those who have emphasised republicanism over constitutionalism, would be become the "National Republicans". Like the National Constitutionalists, the National Republicans advocated for a liberal, independent Delepasian state governed by the principles of popular sovereignty and meritocracy. Unlike the National Constitutionalists, however, the National Republicans called for a republican form of government modelled after the triumvirate republic that ruled the First Pelaxian Republic; they did, however, made some modifications to their ideal form of government through inserting additional checks and balances which would have ensured orderly governance without the instability that had plagued the First Republic. The National Republicans were themselves split into multiple factions ranging from moderate liberals who were not unlike the National Constitutionalists to more radical liberals and even proto-socialists; most of these proto-socialists, inspired by the philosophy of Ernesto Chavez, were the forefathers of utopian socialism, an umbrella term used to derisively refer to pre-Marxist forms of socialism.

These three ideological currents were predominant throughout the latter years of the colonial era and especially during the brief Delepasian Kingdom which came into existence after the Pelaxian monarchy was abolished permanently in 1852. The intense rivalry between the three groups would prove to be the kingdom's downfall, however, with the kingdom collapsing three months after its formation.

Foralist era

Luis-Alfonso, Duke of Atogua, the father of foralism, was the first Prefect of the Delepasian Confederation.

During the early decades of the Delepasian Confederation, two main ideological currents would emerge which are roughly correspondent to the ideological leanings of the previous Kingdom. Royalists and right-leaning National Constitutionalists were a part of the "Foralist" faction. Foralists advocated for a decentralised state with wherein each region is granted autonomy based on a compilation of laws that are tailored around that particular region's cultural identity; foralism has its basis in the medieval age and was largely seen as an alternative to more modern forms of decentralisation. Basically, the regions are conceded a large amount of autonomy by the confederal government based upon traditional cultural customs found in the area. Because foralism was the ruling ideology throughout the Confederation during its first years, this meant that most regions have embraced mondernised versions of the laws that were found during the years of Caphiric hegemony, albeit with some changes such as changing the annual tributes to the hegemon into monthly taxes to the confederal government as well as shifting ultimate authority from the hegemon (or confederal government) to the regions.

Left-leaning National Constitutionalists and National Republicans were a part of the "Confederalist" faction. Confederalism in the Delepasian context sought to replace the foralist system with a confederation, essentially swapping out the largely asymmetrical forals in favour of more egalitarian constitutions which do permit regional variations in law so long as it does not come into violation of the confederal constitution which they had wished to draft. The Confederalists were the hallmark of the latter decades of the 19th Century as Delepasia under their rule began to phase out the medieval-inspired laws in favour of modern Occidental laws and were instrumental in forever separating the Delepasian political sphere from the Catholic Church; society, however, would not be secularised so easily as Foralists began to accept the new Confederalist system relatively quickly compared to their Royalist forefathers when confronted with early liberalism.

Rise of Delepasian exceptionalism

The beginning of the 20th Century saw the emergence of a new development within Delepasian nationalism. This new form of nationalism refers to the Delepasian people as ordained hegemons of Vallos based on the principle of divine right and that they may achieve this role through key values which make the Delepasians great. These were the beginnings of Delepasian exceptionalism, a current of Delepasian nationalism which would influence both Delepasian and Castadillaan politics for many years. Ultranationalism, Traditionalist Catholicism, and Integralism were the main principles of the nascent ideological current. Although Delepasian exceptionalism was originally developed from the frontierist spirit that the early Delepasian settlers in what is now Navidadia had embraced, the overall romanticism which had emerged proved to be highly attractive to many Delepasian nationalists and was seen as a prelude to a sort of renaissance period for Delepasians even though Navidadia was never a member of the Delepasian Confederation.

It was also during the emergence of Delepasian exceptionalism that the Confederation would face an immense economic crisis which had came after the end of the First Great War. For many, the collapse of the Delepasian economy was largely blamed on liberalism and socialism, the two ideologies being accused of spending far too much money on "vanity projects" instead of contingency plans even though the economic crisis was largely the result of factors that were outside of anyone's control. Nonetheless, Delepasian exceptionalism began to receive mainstream acceptance amongst average Delepasians who looked for anything that could solve their economic woes. To them, their saviour would come in the form of noted economics professor and traditionalist intellectual Fernando Pascual who was appointed Minister of Finance by the Rosarian government so that he could solve Rosaria's unstable and collapsing economy; he was not only able to balance the Rosarian budget he was also able to produce a budgetary surplus for the republic. This seemingly miraculous economic recovery was more than enough to convince the entirety of the Confederation membership to appoint Pascual as President of the Forals in 1922, making him the first known Delepasian exceptionalist to hold a leadership role in the Delepasian Confederation.

Estado Social

Main article: Estado Social (Castadilla)

See also: National Renewal Party

Fernando Pascual, pictured here in 1976, was instrumental in the rise of the Estado Social.

The exact ideology of the Estado Social and of the National Renewal Party during the regime's early years consisted of elements of Delepasian exceptionalism as well as corporatism and organicism. Although he professed a far-right ideology, Fernando Pascual saw the regime not as an alternative revolutionary vanguard to socialism, but rather as a reactionary preservative for conservative, Catholic traditionalism. This is not to say that Pascual was never inspired by the currents of fascism and falangism which were respectively found in Caphiria and Delepasia, but he still nonetheless condemned fascism and falangism for its "idolatrous exaltation of youth, the revolutionary cult of force through vanguardism, the blasphemous principle of the superiority of the state's political power in all aspects of a person's life, [and] the slavish and sacrilegious propensity for organising the masses behind a single leader" and stated that the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Social "exalts a national sense of collectivism under the guidance of principles that were wisely established by the Church; it preserves traditional values and the natural order of society while cautiously allowing for certain changes so long as it benefits the nation as a whole".

With the advent of the slight political liberalisation that began in the late 1940s, factions within the National Renewal Party began to emerge as a new generation of intellectuals were largely accepting of the regime and instead focused on what could be changed about it. Technocrats who were educated abroad would form one of the largest non-Pascualist factions within the party, espousing the belief that the regime could achieve durability should it open up the economy and liberalise the system. It was from this reformist faction, which was inspired by the Volonian transition to democracy, that Pascual's successor Nicolas Torres came from. His tenure as Delepasian prime minister after Pascual's stroke-induced incapacitation in 1980 saw much of the reforms that the reformist, technocratic faction has supported, much to the chagrin and opposition from hardliner Pascualists within the family-owned conglomerates and the armed forces (including commander-in-chief Francisco de Costa) with the latter group having Torres assassinated in 1983 and replacing him with hardliner de Costa stooge Alberto Bahamonde.

Asides from the ideological groups within the National Renewal Party, there were also ideological groups that made up the political opposition; many of these groups would become the ancestors of many of the modern-day political parties in Castadilla. The overall influence of the Catholic Church during the Estado Social years had also introduced a religious bent for many of the political groups since the end of the Second Great War; major political groups would often base their ideological alignment off of theological standpoints within the Church. Indeed, pro-Pascualist groups have often made use of traditionalist Catholic theological standpoints while opposition groups would either embrace more moderate and less dogmatic theological standpoints or even liberation theology. The embracing of Catholic theology was also instrumental in ensuring that the major opposition groups would not be so easily repressed by the state and thus allowed for the groups to keep running in the regime's sham elections up until the Velvet Revolution in 1984.

Velvet Revolution

A crowd celebrating the end of the Estado Social in Santa Maria on 30 April 1984.

The Velvet Revolution was one of the most defining political moments in Castadillaan history. Not only did it put an end to Pascualist rule it also saw the emergence of most of Castadilla's modern ideological alignments as they exist to this day. The revolution initially started as an armed revolt against the fabricated results of the 1984 chief executive election which saw popular candidate Hector del Cruces flee to Auxana to evade arrest, but once the Estado Social was finally overthrown within a day and its leadership exiled to the Cape the Revolution turned into a period of power struggles and civil wars. During this period, there emerged various ideologies that sought to temper the revolution and to bring back certain elements of the Estado Social; the most prominent of these ideologies were Quinterism, named after Raul Quintero who in 1985 overthrew the del Cruces government and ran Delepasia until 1987. Quinterism called for a "conservative democracy" under the guidance of the armed forces and was highly opposed to the anti-stratocratic liberalism of del Cruces. Quinterism is not to be confused for the ideology of the Colorados even though both are very similarly-aligned save for their stances of decentralisation.

Revolutionary ideologies ever since Quintero's rule were vehemently opposed to giving the armed forces any influence within the political sphere, citing the assassination of Nicolas Torres in 1983 and the brief period of Quinterist rule. The end of the Quintero government saw the return to revolutionary rule under Ricardo Valentino whose success was primarily aided by left-wing revolutionary factions, also known as the "Velvetines". These left-wing factions were energised by the revolution, and saw it as their chance to finally implement a socialist state in Delepasia. The fears of a possible left-wing takeover of the Revolution led to Valentino shying away from appointing known members of the left-wing factions. This perceived snub did not go well with left-wing revolutionaries and soon Delepasia was plunged into a second civil war period which saw the finalisation of both Velvetine Socialism and Cebacero Socialism as ideologies. The two forms of socialism, despite having quite a few differences in how to implement socialism, were essentially locked in a perpetual alliance.

The end of armed conflict in the Velvet Revolution would ultimately come in 1994, five years after the end of the second civil war period. The victorious socialist factions were able to influence the provisional government, thus ensuring that the new government would move away from liberalism and instead constitutionally guarantee certain public policies which they had deemed to be fundamental human rights including, but not limited to, single-payer healthcare, income security, and progressive taxation which were promptly approved by the Velvetine-aligned Constituent Assembly. The current Constitution of Castadilla as published in 1996 not only saw the monarch go from a purely ceremonial figure to one of the most powerful person in the country, it also declared the new state's intent to eventually transition to socialism once the material conditions have been met by the vanguard party, which the Constitution designated the role to the nascent People's Democratic Party which currently rules Castadilla to this day.

21st century

Since the end of the first post-revolutionary constitutional government in Castadilla, Velvetine Socialism fast became the dominant force in Castadillaan socialism. Velvetine Socialism would also develop a new, multicultural form of nationalism known as Castadillaanism; a form of civic nationalism, Castadillaanism was promoted as a new, post-Pascualist national identity that was divorced from Delepasian exceptionalism, traditional Catholicism, and most especially the racial laws of the Estado Social. LGBT rights would also emerge as a social issue; the end of the previous Pascualist regime would see advocacy for LGBT rights skyrocket amongst most moderate-to-left-leaning figures in politics while groups that are closely-aligned with Delepasian exceptionalism or national consevatism, the latter emerging in the late 1990s as part of the niche right-wing populist movement, became increasingly opposed to LGBT rights.

Political polarisation has largely been prevented from taking hold throughout much of the Castadillaan political spectrum, mostly thanks to the cordiality between most political parties, asides from members of the Delepasian Alternative, the Democratic Reform Party, and Yes We Can! who often receive ridicule from more mainstream political figures for acting more like Asterians than Castadillaans. Instead, there has been an increase in political cooperation for the past two decades which has led to Castadilla having one of the most stable political systems in Vallos.

Main ideological groups

Formal ideologies in Castadilla have typically been described in terms of their position within the left-right axis. Because of the overall fluidity that the four main ideological groups in Castadilla have in recent times, there are often instances that fit within an ideological group that may not be agreeable with other instances within the same group. Nonetheless, the four ideological groups have a mainline ideology that determines the average placement on the political axis. Thus, socialism is typically placed on the left side of the spectrum, with liberalism occupying the centre-left portion of the spectrum while conservatism is predominant in the centre-right and nationalism is usually further to the right than conservatism. With makes a given ideology belong to a specific group is not based upon economic and social issues, as certain issues may very well have support from all four ideological groups, but rather by a given ideology's theological standpoint. Castadilla is under a de facto dominant-party system, but de jure it is a multi-party system where parties are able to openly compete in elections without fear of reprisal. The ideological groups have historically shifted over the years, with the core of the nationalist group having shifted the most from the largely liberal and egalitarian Delepasianism to the highly traditionalistic and ethnonationalist Delepasian exceptionalism.

Socialism

Main articles: Socialism in Castadilla and Velvetine Socialism

Vito Borbon

Socialism in Castadilla traces its origins during the years of the First Pelaxian Republic in the early 19th Century, having initially developed as a radical form of liberalism which believed that society would inevitably evolve to become an egalitarian utopia. This belief formed the basis of various forms of pre-Marxist socialism that are currently known as utopian socialism. It is through this ideology that Castadilla, alongside Pelaxia, has often been referred to as the "cradle of socialism". These flavours of utopian socialism would largely fall out of favour later on in the 19th Century when the teachings of Carlos Marx, which had criticised the utopian dream world promised by utopian socialists as being an unrealistic fantasy, became highly influential within the socialist movement as belief in the necessity for revolution became a primary aspect in socialist thought. Adherents to Marx were then split into two camps: those who believed that revolution could be achieved through the ballot box were dubbed "social democrats" (in modern terms, classical social democracy is more akin to democratic socialism), and those who believed that an armed proletarian revolt was needed to achieve revolution were dubbed "revolutionary socialists". Both camps were cited as meing major influences for modern-day socialism in Castadilla.

Within modern Castadillaan socialism, there exists multiple variations and schools of thought. Velvetine Socialism, the ruling ideology of Castadilla since the late 1990s and based on the personal philosophy of revolutionary general and chief executive Vito Borbon, advocates for the encouragement of popular support for the vanguard party and the usage of strong government intervention in the economy to ensure that no worker will be exploited, believing that material conditions must be met before transition towards socialism may begin. Cabacero Socialism (often known as "steelheads") advocates for a much more immediate transition towards socialism, believing that simply waiting for favourable material conditions would only give reactionary forces time to prepare for their eventual takeover of power. The form of socialism promoted by Yes We Can!, on the other hand, calls for a decentralised socialist state along the lines of Ardmore. Castadillaan socialists will generally support the transition to socialism and eventually communism sometime in the future, stating that the principles of Carlos Marx provide for a vital blueprint that all aspiring socialist regimes must follow. Being left-wing populists, Castadillaan socialists will advocate for the democratisation of the economy as well as social justice and multiculturalism.

Castadillaan socialists, however, are varied in their approach in foreign policy, though the one common tenet that all variants of socialism hold is the promotion of democracy. Velvetine Socialism generally supports diplomatic realism and advocates for a cautious approach towards foreign relations; socialism, in the eyes of the Velvetines, should be strengthened within rather than spread without. Cabacero Socialism supports the idea of a permanent revolution in that Castadilla should support and instigate socialist revolutions around the world so as to challenge and even disrupt the current world order; compromise with opposing ideologies and classes is highly opposed by Cabacero Socialism. The more populistic Yes We Can!, on the other hand, supports pacifism and isolation from foreign affairs except when interacting with fellow socialist states.

Liberalism

Main article: Liberalism in Castadilla

Salvador Reyes

Liberalism in Castadilla traces its origins to the late 18th Century at a time when many prominent intellectuals in the Viceroyalty, inspired by the writings of Salvador Reyes, had embraced the ideals espoused by the Kilikas Enlightenment. Constitutionalism was one of the major initial aspects of early Castadillaan liberalism, advocating for the rule of law on an egalitarian basis; under the new liberal order, the old aristocracy would be phased out in favour of a meritocratic elite class who would work within the bounds of a secular, liberal democracy. As a part of early liberalism's pursuit of meritocracy, the old mercantilist form of colonial economy would be phased out in favour of a laissez-faire free market, or capitalist economy. The ultimate goal for early Castadillaan liberalism was to create a society where the natural rights to life, liberty, and property would be preserved. During the Foralist Era, Castadillaan liberals called for Delepasia to become a real confederation rather than a decentralised quasi-feudal state.

It would not be until the late 19th Century when the second form of liberalism would emerge in Castadillaan politics. This new form of liberalism still placed an emphasis on individual freedoms like its classical counterpart, but it felt that a certain measure of government involvement was not in contradiction of these individual freedoms, but rather it facilitated people's means to take full advantage of their individual freedoms that they may not have been able to due to them being impoverished. Indeed, the philosophy of utilitarianism is considered a core belief within Castadillaan radicalism. It is through utilitarianism that radicalism supports a capitalist economy with elements of government intervention, though not to the extent that socialist ideologies advocate for, and key social policies that are often either congruent to, or at the very least a moderated version of, the social policies pursued by socialist ideologies such as a decent minimum wage, moderate forms of wealth redistribution such as through progressive taxation, and the establishment of a state-run works agency designed for the construction of large-scale projects. Much like modern socialists, radicalists are also in favour of multiculturalism and social justice.

Unlike the socialist group, however, the liberal group in Castadilla supports a liberal internationalist foreign policy, believing that Castadilla should get more involved in foreign affairs in the name of promoting liberal democracy under the idea that sincere liberal democracies are much less likely to seek aggression and instead opt for more diplomatic solutions. This idea has often been criticised as being incredibly optimistic and ignores instances in which otherwise sincere liberal democracies still seek aggression. Thus, there is a growing faction of liberals known as "social realists" who opt to pursue an activist and pro-Levantine foreign policy partly inspired by the foreign policy of the Urcean National Pact's Commonwealth Values Bloc but with the primary focus being on neighbouring nations in Vallos.

Conservatism

Main article: Conservatism in Castadilla

Manuel de la Fuente

Castadillaan conservatism initially emerged in the early 19th Century as a reaction to the rise of early Castadillaan liberalism. Whereas liberalism sought to dismantle the old aristocracy and fashion a new, meritocratic elite under a secular constitutional state with a free market economy, early Castadillaan conservatism sought to oppose these changes and thus supported the old aristocracy, the Catholic Church, the mercantilist economy, and the monarchy. The old conservatives did, however, co-opt the largely liberal Delepasianism by calling for the establishment of a dual monarchy under a real union with a strong monarch. These dual monarchists were often referred to as "Royalists" and were characterised by their intense loyalty to the Girojon monarchy, especially after the end of the First Pelaxian Republic in 1814.

After the abolition of the Girojon monarchy in 1852 and the subsequent collapse of the Delepasian Kingdom a few months later, Delepasian conservatives began to shift away from monarchism after the perceived snub that came from the last Girojon monarch, King Luciano II, when he called the Delepasian people "ungovernable". This was not to say that they opposed the monarchy, but instead they decided that power should be concentrated in the old aristocracy who would serve on behalf of a figurehead emperor. Their ideal Delepasia became to be known as "foralism" as they began to advocate for, and implemented during the early Foralist years, a decentralised state in which all regions would be given sweeping autonomy based upon their traditions and customs.

Modern Castadillaan conservatism is a departure from the old traditionalist and reactionary beliefs held by earlier conservatives. With the emergence of Catholic social teaching through papal encyclicals in the early 1890s, Castadillaan conservatism began to shift away from aristocratic monarchism, thus becoming a more paternalistic and charitable ideology which sought to find a balance between classical liberal values and the ideals of Christian charity. Through this new form of conservatism, now known as Christian democracy, the state would establish a welfare system and mildly intervene in the economy to rid capitalism of its worst excesses, though some have advocated for a form of corporatism. Socially, the ideology took a moderate stance, accepting liberal democracy and state secularism while insisting that there be guarantees for religious freedom. These stances were formulated by noted scholar Miguel de la Fuente as an alternative to radicalism. In the late 20th Century, Christian democracy quickly became the predominant conservative ideology in Castadilla, and at that same time a faction of Christian democrats would emerge that attempts to reconcile both modern Castadillaan conservatism with elements of classical Castadillaan conservatism and neoliberalism; the resulting ideology, known as the Christian right, takes a more right-wing and dogmatic approach towards Christian democracy.

Most Castadillaan conservatives support a foreign policy similar to the foreign policy supported by the "social realists" of the liberal faction, believing that Castadillaan democracy is the most ideal form of governance in Vallos that must be adopted by as many Vallosi nations as possible. Conservatives who identify as being a part of the Christian right, however, call for an isolationist foreign policy with minimal foreign intervention if it is in the national interest.

Nationalism

Main articles: Delepasian exceptionalism and Nationalism in Castadilla

Fernando Pascual

Of the four main ideological groups in Castadilla, nationalism has had the most dramatic shift. The earliest instances of nationalism in the modern sense emerged in the late 18th Century as Delepasianism. Associated with the Enlightenment, Delepasianism advocated for an independent Delepasian nation-state that was divorced from the monarchical system of Pelaxia. Because of Delepasianism, the first people to have self-identified as being Delepasian were liberal intellectuals who were seeking to unite the colonists of the Viceroyalty under one nationality rather than the traditional terms which separated colonists who lived near the coast from colonists who lived further inland. Delepasianism proved to be a major political force and was driven into the political mainstream during the years of the First Pelaxian Republic when it seemed like there was a possibility that the colonists would gain representation in Albalitor in return for the retention of autonomy.

The end of the First Pelaxian Republic in 1814 would not spell the end for Delepasianism, but rather it continued to thrive within liberal circles to the point that early Castadillaan conservatives began to co-opt certain aspects of Delepasianism, but with their own variant to the ideology. Instead of advocating for an independent Delepasian nation-state, conservatives instead advocated for a self-governing Delepasian polity in a real union with the Pelaxian crown as a compromise between their old Pelaxianist beliefs and the new Delepasianist beliefs. Nationalism would continue to play a role throughout the 19th Century with all three political factions in the Delepasian Kingdom making use of their variant of Delepasianism, with liberal politicians continuing to support an independent nation-state while conservatives insisted on the real union idea. Delepasian nationalism would shift again after the collapse of the Delepasian Kingdom when it became clear that the former Pelaxian monarchy really disliked the Delepasians. With that, any hopes for a Delepasian state that was loyal to the Pelaxian crown were dashed as it became clear that Delepasia's future was as a nation-state.

The rise of Delepasian exceptionalism in the latter half of the 19th Century is said to have heralded a Delepasian renaissance. Unlike previous forms of nationalism, Delepasian exceptionalism was firmly within the political right and it took on an ethnonationalist philosophy mixed in with traditionalist Catholicism and a disdain for liberal democracy. Indeed, Delepasian exceptionalism was the core ideology of the Estado Social and Pascualism which would introduce corporatism and organicism into the standard core policies of Delepasian exceptionalism. Modern Castadillaan nationalism would not be finalised until after the end of the Velvet Revolution when Delepasian exceptionalism was discredit by the new socialist government in favour of a more inclusive form of nationalism known as Castadillaanism. The main adherents of modern Castadillaan nationalism are currently right-wing populists and remaining Delepasian exceptionalists.

Diplomatically, Castadillaan nationalists advocate for limited interventionism, but a sizeable portion of nationalists are isolationists who wish to isolate Castadilla from perceived forces of corruption from the international community.

Other ideologies

21st State Movement

Main article: 21st State Movement

Loui Daumerkou

The 21st State Movement is not a distinct ideology so much as a political movement within a political party. It is more akin to regionalism, but is considered distinct from it because it advocates for the admission of another country into Castadilla. The 21st State Movement is a Tainean interest movement that seeks to admit Arona, the only Tainean nation-state in Vallos, as a state in Castadilla. It would not be the first state that is geographically disconnected from the mainland, Samalosi having been the first. The main idea behind this movement is to ensure Arona's protection from Almadaria should its status as an Urcean protectorate be put to an end. Admission as a state is not the only solution that has floated around within the 21st State Movement; alternatives include establishing a real union or a personal union between the two states, and even make Arona a protectorate of Castadilla if needed.

Ideologically, the movement professes itself as a big tent group, but is highly associated with the agrarian Tainean interests party the Democratic Farmers' Union which it promotes as the ultimate goal of Tainean interests in Castadilla. The People's Democratic Party, in hopes of garnering the Tainean vote, has also supported the 21st State Movement which it interprets its goals under the lens of Castadillaanism.

Regionalism

Fepuleai Vanimonimo Filemu Eteuati III

Regionalism in Castadilla has become a notable ideology in Castadilla ever since Samalosi was integrated as a territory of the Delepasian Confederation. In Castadillaan politics, regionalism refers to the interests of non-Delepasian states such as Portas Gemeas and Samalosi. It is essentially seen as a form of internal civic nationalism that emerged in reaction to Delepasian exceptionalism, with Samalosi having the highest amount of regionalism thanks to its distance from the mainland as well as historical autonomy which it wished to keep if it were to be admitted as a state in Castadilla. The Loa-majority states of Kalanatoa and Na'aturie are also home to a high amount of regionalism which had spurred from the years living under the Loa Laws and the Navidadian System.

Regionalism, particularly for non-Urlazian-descended groups, is often accompanied by a political party such as the Democratic Farmers' Union and the Samalosian People's Party. Regionalism in of itself is largely big tent, though regionalist parties do fashion their ideological viewpoint based on the ideological leanings of a given group's most common occupation and ideological beliefs; hence why the Democratic Farmers' Union has taken on a conservative agrarian position while the Samalosian People's Party has taken on a ordoliberal position as the state's largest economic sector is in the entertainment and casino industries which has in recent years come increasingly under the ownership of Samalosian firms.

Satirical ideologies

Main article: Commarcho-capitalism

Cabezalito

Satirical ideologies are ideologies that are the core of a frivolous political party, parties that are created solely for entertainment or political satire. The most prominent of these ideologies is commarcho-capitalism, which calls itself the synthesis of communism and anarcho-capitalism, and was born out of the castapunk subculture which had emerged in the late 1970s in opposition to the Estado Social's strict societal expectations and norms. Commarcho-capitalism has a distinct plan for how it wants to change Castadilla should it get into power, namely through transforming the nation into a "triple monarchy" designed to ensure a "proper government" for the nation.

Theologies of the main ideological groups

Castadillaan politics since the Velvet Revolution have largely been associated with theological standpoints partly thanks to the decades of Catholic influence on society during the Estado Social years. Even opposition parties were not spared from this influence, and indeed they had to at the very least tacitly accept it if they were to be approved by Fernando Pascual to run in elections. These theological standpoints transcend demographics, and have been used to denote which ideologies are going to be aligned with a given theological standpoint as standard demographics are not necessarily indicative of political leanings, and especially as multiple ideologies have to an extent largely embraced stances associated with opposing ideological groups. There are presently three main theological standpoints that influence modern Castadillaan politics: liberation theology, Catholic social teaching, and integralism.

Liberation theology is the newest of the three main theological standpoints in Castadillaan politics. It emerged in what is now northern Castadilla during the mid-20 Century as a reaction to the perceived rise of the prosperity gospel that had emerged amongst the Protestatn Tainean majority in the area. Early adherents of liberation theology have criticised the prosperity gospel as being an exploitative and idolatrous irresponsibility that only seeks to enrich the pastor and not the poor. These criticisms, alongside the emphasis on the liberation of the poor and the oppressed, resonated very well with those in the political opposition who aligned with the political left and thus it was embraced wholeheartedly as a way to make socialism, a traditionally strictly secular ideology, palatable to the largely religiously-devoted populace and maybe have them more willing to accept progressivism. In recent years, liberation theology is associated with the People's Democratic Party, particularly Velvetine Socialism, and Yes We Can! as parties of the Castadillaan left.

Catholic social teaching (CST) is the oldest of the three main theological standpoints in Castadillaan politics. Born out of a 19th Century papal encyclical, Catholic social teaching condemns free market capitalism as having largely neglected both human dignity and the common good in society. Social justice is CST's main concern, believing that for a just society to emerge the Church must do her part in ensuring that it may prosper. It still sees intrinsic value in human liberty, and has historically defended the right to property so long as it is not at the expense of human dignity, but is aware that the most disadvantaged members of society, that being the poor and the weak, must not be neglected by society but rather society must do its part in preserving the human dignity of the disadvantaged, hence why adherents of CST are supportive of a welfare state as well as limited government intervention in the economy. CST is typically associated with the political centre, where the Christian National Party and the Castadillaan Citizens' Party are located in, and is closely-aligned with neo-Mercantilism which has replaced the prosperity gospel in Protestant-majority areas in Castadilla as the nation's faithful turn towards more compassionate and selfless forms of theology.

Integralism, which stems from a more rigid interpretation of Catholic social teaching fused with traditionalist Catholic beliefs, has historically held the greatest influence in mid-20th Century Castadillaan politics. Like Catholic social teaching, integralism is concerned with human dignity and the common good, but is far more condemnatory of capitalism and socialism; instead calling for an alternative form of economy that, according to them, would be compatible with the natural societal hierarchy, that being corporatism. Another major difference between CST and integralism is that the latter is anti-pluralist and largely supports the predominance of Catholicism in everyday life. Historically, it has largely been associated with Delepasian exceptionalism and the Estado Social, and in modern Castadillaan politics is still associated with both which has caused it to become heavily associated with the political right with parties such as the Democratic Reform Party and the Delepasian Alternative supporting a form of integralism, though the former has moderated their stance in an effort to gain support from non-Delepasian and non-Catholic voters.

Comparison to global politics

While socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and nationalism are considered the main ideological groups in Castadilla, they may not necessarily correlate to the main ideological groups that exist in other countries. In Castadilla, all of the main parties within each main ideological group adhere to a theological standpoint due to the historical influence that the Catholic Church has had on society. For example, liberalism encompasses both classical liberalism and social liberalism (known as radicalism in Castadilla), but in most other countries liberalism is typically used to refer to classical liberalism and neoliberalism which typically advocate for the natural rights to life, liberty, and property; radicalism, on the other hand, is seen as an ideology that is distinct from liberalism rather than a part of liberalism.

Historically, the modern ideological groups of Castadilla trace their origins in Delepasianism, which has criticised the monarchism and aristocracy that were associated with most Occidental realms for centuries. Indeed, the opposition to traditional Occidental ideologies is largely born from a rejection of the colonial status quo in favour of a more meritocratic post-colonial political system complete with a meritocratic free market economy; this also meant that a new national identity that was distinct from the national identity of the former colonial masters was needed to be created. As a "cradle of socialism" and one of the first localities in which socialist groups had adopted the theories of Marxism, Castadillaan socialism has often been referred to as "classical Marxism" in reference to its long-held ideal of "revolution by the ballot" that has largely dissipated in non-Pelaxian forms of socialism around the world when the Kiravian Union and the Ardmori Cooperative Republic had come as a result of an armed revolution; Delepasianism too found its place in Castadillaan socialism, though as a multicultural and inclusive form of civic nationalism unlike the classical nationalism found in early Delepasianism and the ultranationalism found in Delepasian exceptionalism.

Castadillaan politics have also revolved around a sense of ideological fusions, often fusions that transcend a particular political party. For example, the Christian National Party encompasses three ideological groups: Conservatism, of which the party's main ideology of Christian democracy is a core of; liberalism, through the left-most faction of the party which adheres to liberal conservatism; and nationalism, through the right-most faction of the party which adheres to the Christian right. Likewise, the entirety of the Democratic Reform Party is a fusion of conservatism and nationalism with the two factions of the party emphasising one ideological group over the other. Lastly, the People's Democratic Party encompasses not just socialism, but also liberalism, and nationalism; the party is a vanguard socialist party that supports cultural liberalism and multiculturalism as well as civic nationalism.

See also

• Catholic Church in Castadilla
• Politics of Castadilla