Anti-isurianism
Anti-Isurianism, in the broad sense of the term, refers to discrimination, hostility, prejudice, and hatred toward Isurians, based on a combination of religious, racial, cultural, and ethnic prejudices. In a more restricted sense, it is a specific form of racism and discrimination, as it refers to hostility toward Isurians, defined as a "race," a modern concept that is believed to have emerged in the mid-19th century. It should not be confused with anti-Caphirianism, which is hostility toward Caphirians defined as a specific ethno-cultural group. Some historians, on the other hand, propose encompassing all manifestations of hostility, aversion, and hatred toward Jews throughout history under the term Isurophobia.
The origins of anti-Isurianism can be traced back to northern Sarpedon, around the late 19th century, with the rise of nationalist and irredentist movements in Cartadania, but primarily in Pelaxia. In this latter country, anti-Isurianism emerged from the perception of Isurian autonomy as a form of Caphirian domination over historically Pelaxian lands. This process coincided with an economic modernization at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, in which Isurians were among the first ethnic groups to occupy administrative positions, tax collection roles, census officials, middle management, and other white-collar jobs, which fueled derogatory rhetoric within the middle and lower classes.
19th century
Anti-Isurianism can trace its roots back to the first half of the 19th century through the discriminatory gestures continuously promoted by the recently restored royal court of Pelaxia. This "top-down" racism is fundamentally different from its more horizontal variants that would manifest at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, particularly during the governments of Raúl Arsenio Eutimio Vélez and Roberto Pedroza Manes.
During the period of Pelaxerization pushed by Eutimio Vélez, aimed at the cultural and territorial integration of Pelaxia above its more regionalist expressions, millions of Isurians were incorporated as white-collar workers in the federal administration. This incipient integration would create the conditions for a new type of racism among the Pelaxian middle and lower classes, who looked suspiciously at the social mobility of a collective with historical separatist and pro-Caphirian tendencies. Some of these manifestations can be read in the voice of Democratic Party deputy Adelmar Canteros in 1890:
"Every time an Isurian sits in an administrative position, collects taxes, or works in a census office, one more Pelaxian is displaced, humiliated, and oppressed by this foreign caste that has never shown any commitment to our people or our culture."
Font Revolt
Tension in Font had been growing in the months leading up to July 1834. The strict measures imposed by the Cuerpo de Custodes severely restricted the freedom of movement for the Isurian community, who depended on cross-border trade with Caphiria to maintain their livelihoods and family connections. The controls were especially rigorous for those attempting to emigrate or move to Lucrecia, where there was a well-established Isurian community. In many cases, the bureaucracy imposed by the Custodes was seen as a form of covert discrimination.
The sinking of the ship La Amada was the final straw. On the afternoon of July 1, 1834, the vessel, which was carrying hundreds of Isurians, many of whom were entire families with children, tragically sank near the coast, just a few kilometers from Font. The ship had set sail from Font bound for Lucrecia, and initial investigations revealed that overcrowding and poor maintenance were the primary causes of the disaster. However, what sparked the fury of the Isurian community was the response—or rather, the lack of response—by the authorities.
Witness accounts claimed that although the shipwreck occurred close to the shore, the reaction of the Pelaxian Navy was slow and disorganized. Additionally, the Cuerpo de Custodes was accused of hindering rescue efforts, allegedly because they demanded to check the permits of those who wanted to assist in the rescue operations. As a result, dozens of Isurians drowned while the authorities delayed their response.
On July 3, with the pain and anger still fresh, a spontaneous demonstration was organized along the riverbank of the city. Thousands of Isurians—men, women, young and old—took to the streets to express their discontent. The march began peacefully but quickly escalated when the protesters encountered resistance. Along the way to the town hall, groups of pedestrians began to verbally and physically assault the protesters, most of whom did not respond to the provocations. However, as the situation intensified, some more radical elements of the march began destroying storefronts and vehicles that belonged to Pelaxian citizens. When the crowd finally reached the town hall, tensions reached their peak. The protest leaders demanded a meeting with the mayor and the commander of the Cuerpo de Custodes, seeking justice for the lives lost in the shipwreck and the removal of the oppressive controls. However, instead of engaging in dialogue, the local authorities responded by sending in the Army to disperse the protesters.
The clash between the protesters and the Army triggered a violent crackdown. Security forces used batons and swords to disperse the crowd, while the protesters responded by throwing stones and other blunt objects. Soon, the streets of Font turned into an improvised battlefield. Public buildings and private properties were set on fire by the more extreme sectors of the protest, while law enforcement brutally advanced through the streets, arresting dozens of protesters and chasing others throughout the city.
The violence escalated in the days that followed. On July 5, in response to mass arrests and police repression, groups of Isurians began organizing barricades in the poorer neighborhoods of the city, where most of them lived. The local authorities, however, continued to toughen their stance, imposing a curfew and deploying more troops to contain the uprising. By July 8, the situation in Font had become chaotic, with daily clashes between protesters and law enforcement, looting, and destruction occurring in various parts of the city.
The revolt gained more attention when Caphirian media outlets began broadcasting news of what was happening in Font. The Caphirian public, always attentive to the situation of Isurians in Pelaxia, began pressuring their government to intervene diplomatically. In the weeks that followed, the revolt ceased to be a local issue and became an international crisis, with relations between Pelaxia and Caphiria deteriorating rapidly.
Restauración Nacional
See also: Restauración Nacional
Arrests of 1923
Great War
See also: Great War