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'''Æonara''' ({{IPA|/aɪʲ.oː.na.ra/}}) is a {{wp|continental island}} off the northeastern coast of [[Crona]]. Along with its smaller sister island of Tævuon, Æonara was colonised by [[Coscivian civilisation|Coscivians]] from | '''Æonara''' ({{IPA|/aɪʲ.oː.na.ra/}}) is a {{wp|continental island}} off the northeastern coast of [[South Crona|South]] [[Crona]]. Along with its smaller sister island of [[Tævuon]], Æonara was colonised by [[Coscivian civilisation|Coscivians]] from the early 1600s AD, and would remain part of the Kiravian overseas empire after the loss of its mainland Cronan sister colonies in the modern [[the Cape|Cape]] and [[Paulastra]]. In 1935, Kiravian anti-communist forces were defeated in the [[Kiravian Civil War]] would go into exile on Æonara, where they organised the [[Kiravian Remnant]] that would govern Kiravian overseas possessions for the next 49 years with Æonara as its political and economic core. Since [[Kiravian reunification]] in 1985, Æonara has remained an important component of the pluricontinental [[Kiravian Federacy]] with a very large profile in the technology, finance, construction, and transport sectors and a major centre of population growth. The island is divided among the Kiravian states of [[Central Æonara]], North Æonara, [[South Æonara]], West Æonara, and Umcara, as well as the Kiravian territory of Tævuon. | ||
==Geography== | ==Geography== | ||
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==History== | ==History== | ||
The history of Æonara is closely intertwined with that of [[the Cape]]. | The history of Æonara is closely intertwined with that of [[the Cape]] and [[Paulastra]]. | ||
===Pre-Coscivian History=== | ===Pre-Coscivian History=== | ||
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===Colonial History=== | ===Colonial History=== | ||
Initial contact between Coscivian settlers and the nations of the Confederation were relatively peaceful, in large part because early Coscivian settlements remained confined to the coast, leaving inland indigenous settlements generally undisturbed. Those of mixed Indigenous and Coscivian descent played a vital role in establishing Kiravian colonies and trade connections. Indigenous relations with Coscivian Æonarans would remain relatively peaceable until the transplantation of {{wp|coffee}} spurred a rush of Coscivian settlers into the interior, severely disrupting the lives of the upland Indigenous, who would find themselves violently displaced, subjugated, and even exterminated. | Initial contact between Coscivian settlers and the nations of the Confederation were relatively peaceful, in large part because early Coscivian settlements remained confined to the coast, leaving inland indigenous settlements generally undisturbed. The tropics of South Crona were not initially believed to be suitable for settlement by Coscivians on the large scale that it would eventually occur, and permanent Kiravian settlements in the region were at first intended only as anchors to solidify the Kiravian presence in the region against native and foreign powers, and as hubs to support a more extensive infrastructural network of ports, mercantile depôts, military posts, and plantations. Those of mixed Indigenous and Coscivian descent, births of whom were quite numerous in the early stages of colonisation when Coscivian women were least available in the colonies and the charms of the callipygous Cronan women most alluring, played a vital role in establishing Kiravian colonies and trade connections. Indigenous relations with Coscivian-Æonarans would remain relatively peaceable until the transplantation of {{wp|coffee}} spurred a rush of Coscivian settlers into the interior, severely disrupting the lives of the upland Indigenous, who would find themselves violently displaced, subjugated, and even exterminated. | ||
====Highland Coffee Civilisation==== | ====Highland Coffee Civilisation==== | ||
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====Land Reform==== | ====Land Reform==== | ||
Land reform began in 1949 with the in 1949, [[Index of Kiravian legislation|Field Rent Control Act]], which capped farm rents at 37.5% of yields. This was followed by the [[Index of Kiravian legislation|Cultivator Tenancy Act of 1950]], which allowed for farm rent forgiveness by Prime Executive proclamation during natural disasters, promoted farmers' associations, and strengthened tenant farmers' protections against eviction. The Cultivator Tenancy Act helped to accelerate acquiescence to land reform by making large landholdings more of a financial liability. Collegial ordinances began to be issued in 1951 to effect the sale of arable land owned by the [[Kiravian Territorial Executive|General Land Bureau]] (that is, federal revenue land) to former tenant farmers so that they might become owner-cultivators. | |||
Confiscatory land reform and the breakup of large estates by government fiat would not begin until 1953. Such measures were opposed by members of the Kiravian Old Right, the United Empire Loyalists, the Æonaran timocracy, and (to a more limited extent) former landowning emigrés from the Mainland standing on principle. On the other hand, they were supported by the core cadre of the Renaissance Party, the Freesoil Councils (the Party's cultivators' wing), the UAP, and the Christian Democrats, to say nothing of the Æonaran tenant farmer populace. Most historians agree that land reform helped greatly to legitimise the Remnant regime in the eyes of the common people and earn their buy-in to its larger nation-building agenda. | |||
Monocrop plantations producing certain cash crops - most importantly coffee - were exempt from most reforms. In addition to ensuring minimal disruption to the business model of an important export-oriented part of the agricultural sector during a crucial economic transition, this limitation on land reform helped to blunt much of the political opposition to land reform by demobilising the influential coffee planters (many of whom were Empire Loyalists) against the reform legislation. | |||
====Nation-building==== | |||
Under the Kiravian Remnant, Æonara would undergo a dramatic transformation from a mere colonial possession to the beating heart of a rapidly modernising pluricontinental federation. One early and important reform toward this end was the Æonaran Reörganisation Ordinance, which divided the colonial provinces of East Æonara and West Æonara to create the new provinces of Central Æonara, North Æonara, South Æonara, Umcara (created as an ethnostate for the Umcaran Coscivian people), and Tævuon. All except Tævuon were then admitted as full-fledged states of the Kiravian Federacy in short order. | |||
Æonara would be at the centre of the Remnant's programme of {{wp|developmental state|state-driven capitalist economic development}}. Sirana and Sar-i-Paul would find themselves as the command points of this burgeoning new economy, and the island would become the greatest beneficiary of the capital repatriation networks and foreign direct investment driving the Remnant's economic rise. | |||
In the 1940s thro' 1950s, the Remnant pursued an export-oriented industrialisation strategy, focusing on labour-intensive industries such as textiles and light manufacturing. This approach was further bolstered by favuorable global conditions, including the demand for cheap consumer goods in [[Levantia]] and northern [[Sarpedon]]. The government played an role in {{wp|dirigism|guiding economic policies}}, {{wp|industrial policy|supporting key industries}}, and {{wp|graft|investing in infrastructure}}. | |||
Later, during the 1960s and 1970s, the Remnant government recognized the need to move beyond labour-intensive industries and sought to elevate the nation's technological capabilities. Significant emphasis was placed on education and research, leading to the establishment of institutions such as the [[Kiravian Industrial-Commercial Executive|Physical Capital Improvements Bureau]] (PCIB) in 1973. The PCIB played a crucial role in fostering innovation, research, and development, laying the groundwork for the Kiravian Remnant's emergence as a global technological hub. Furthermore, the government implemented measures to attract foreign investment and technology transfer. Special Economic Zones (SEZs) were established to provide incentives for foreign companies to set up operations on Æonara, and immigration controls for white-collar workers were greatly relaxed, contributing to the influx of capital and expertise. A commitment to education as part of this process was evident in the emphasis on science and technology. The government invested heavily in educational infrastructure and curriculum development to nurture a skilled workforce capable of driving technological innovation and staffing the knowledge-intensive, highly technical industrial enterprises that the Remnant desired to grow on Æonara. This focus on {{wp|human capital}} development became a cornerstone of the nation's economic success in subsequent decades, the results of which were most apparent on Æonara. In terms of industry, Æonara experienced a shift towards heavy industries such as steel, petrochemicals, and machinery during this period. The Helvianir Science Park, established in 1977, became a focal point for the burgeoning semiconductor and electronics industries. This move towards high-tech manufacturing set the stage for Æonara's later broad and deep footprint in global electronics markets. | |||
=== Post-Kirosocialism === | === Post-Kirosocialism === | ||
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===Politics=== | ===Politics=== | ||
Æonara is regarded as a solidly conservative region that has historically rejected revolutionary movements such as Bannerism, Novialism, [[Kirosocialism]], communism, and the national-revolutionary [[Restarkism]] prevailing in its neighbour, [[the Cape]]. Æonara reliably elects slates of Delegates that sit with the [[ | Æonara is regarded as a solidly conservative region that has historically rejected revolutionary movements such as Bannerism, Novialism, [[Kirosocialism]], communism, and the national-revolutionary [[Restarkism]] prevailing in its neighbour, [[the Cape]]. Æonara reliably elects slates of Delegates that sit with the [[Federalist Republican Alliance]] and (to a lesser extent) [[Authentic Historical Caucus]] in the [[Federal Stanora]]. Politics in the individual states tends to be dominated by the local chapter of the Renaissance Party. This state of affairs has been explained as a "layering of conservative elements in the electorate", beginning with the anti-revolutionary Empire Loyalists, continuing with the conservatising influence of Sunderance-era anti-communist refugees and the pervasive cultural presence of the Renaissance Party, and maintained in the present day by the "sunshine conservatism" of post-unification migrants from the Mainland and Overseas Regions, who skew older and wealthier than the national average and tend to approve of the SRA's prominance in national politics. | ||
==Society and Culture== | ==Society and Culture== | ||
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<!-- *Sinyolans* are a contentious social category that is mainly applied to populations of aggregate or fractional descent from the autochthonous Cronite inhabitants of Æonara but do not live in designated indigenous reserves nor follow a comprehensively indigenous lifestyle. Essentially all Sinyolans have some measure of Éorsan Coscivian ancestry, and most Æonaran Coscivians have some measure of Cronite ancestry, but communities and individuals identified as Sinyolan are *perceived* to have a greater genetic and cultural inheritance from the indigenous Cronites than visibly mixed Æonaran Coscivians. Boundaries between the two social categories are somewhat permeable and fluid. Self-identified Sinyolans typically consider themselves distinct from mainstream Æonaran or Umcaran Coscivians. However, whether they consider themselves Coscivians or non-Coscivians varies and is often context-dependent. During the Exile, the Kiravian government vigorously promoted the idea of Sinyolans as part of Coscivian civilisation, though it was inconsistent in characterising them as a Coscivian ethnic group in their own right versus subsuming them under the broader Æonaran Coscivian label. The Sanyao movement began as organised backlash from some Sinyolans against this perceived assimilationist policy and erasure of indigenous identity, and was suppressed by the government-in-exile. It saw a resurgence in the more open political climate of the post-Kirosocialist era --> | <!-- *Sinyolans* are a contentious social category that is mainly applied to populations of aggregate or fractional descent from the autochthonous Cronite inhabitants of Æonara but do not live in designated indigenous reserves nor follow a comprehensively indigenous lifestyle. Essentially all Sinyolans have some measure of Éorsan Coscivian ancestry, and most Æonaran Coscivians have some measure of Cronite ancestry, but communities and individuals identified as Sinyolan are *perceived* to have a greater genetic and cultural inheritance from the indigenous Cronites than visibly mixed Æonaran Coscivians. Boundaries between the two social categories are somewhat permeable and fluid. Self-identified Sinyolans typically consider themselves distinct from mainstream Æonaran or Umcaran Coscivians. However, whether they consider themselves Coscivians or non-Coscivians varies and is often context-dependent. During the Exile, the Kiravian government vigorously promoted the idea of Sinyolans as part of Coscivian civilisation, though it was inconsistent in characterising them as a Coscivian ethnic group in their own right versus subsuming them under the broader Æonaran Coscivian label. The Sanyao movement began as organised backlash from some Sinyolans against this perceived assimilationist policy and erasure of indigenous identity, and was suppressed by the government-in-exile. It saw a resurgence in the more open political climate of the post-Kirosocialist era --> | ||
The turmoils of | The turmoils of the 20th century AD brought new waves of Coscivian migration to Æonara, first Kiravian {{wp|loyalism|loyalist}} refugees from the Cape after that country's independence, and later anti-communist refugees from [[Great Kirav]] and [[Sydona]] after the Kirosocialist takeover. Socially, the Capetian Loyalist community is well-integrated with the established Æonaran Coscivian population, already sharing a similar culture rooted in a shared colonial history. The ''Xátihomem'' or "Mainlanders" who settled in Æonara during and after Kirosocialism are more socially distinct from the Æonaran Coscivians. They tend to be urbanised and concentrated in select metropolitan areas and certain highland towns. The ''Xátihomem'' use Kiravic Coscivian as their common language, though many speak other ethnic and regional Coscivian languages at home and in other contexts. Between a quater and a third of Mainlanders speak West Coast Marine Coscivian, making it the fourth most spoken language in Æonara. | ||
The Æonara Migration Act of | The Æonara Migration Act of 1968 gave the Æonaran territorial governors authority to grant expedited sponsorship of 3,000 guest worker and medium-term residency permits annually to eligible [[The Cape|Capetian]] citizens wishing to settle in Æonara and Tævuon, exempting them from normal immigration procedures. The Capetian population is concentrated in West Æonara, South Æonara, Tævuon, East Æonara, and Umcara, making up 14% of the total population in South Æonara and 19% in Umcara. | ||
[[File:15-09-26-RalfR-WLC-0056.jpg|thumb|Whiskey-cola is recognised by law as the official drink of every federal subject in Æonara]] | [[File:15-09-26-RalfR-WLC-0056.jpg|thumb|Whiskey-cola is recognised by law as the official drink of every federal subject in Æonara]] | ||
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[[Category:2023 Award winning pages]] | [[Category:2023 Award winning pages]] | ||
[[Category:IXWB]] | [[Category:IXWB]] | ||
[[Category:Map Completion Project]] | [[Category:Map Completion Project (Completed)]] | ||