Algosh Republic: Difference between revisions

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Throughout late 2024 and early 2025, the [[Urcea]]n [[Royal and Imperial Army (Urcea)|Royal and Imperial Army]] spread out throughout the country, occupying key garrisons and taking stock of available resources and existing infrastructure. During this period, the [[Government_of_Urcea#Overseas_Possessions|Military Rectory]] of Kaigwa was established as the military government of the region. [[Martin St. Clair]], as theater commander, served as nominal Military Rector but delegated authority to his Deputy Rector, Pra. Sen. Cormac Bruno of the [[Royal Marine Corps (Urcea)|Royal Marine Corps]]. Bruno's government focused on the indexing of available resources of the state and enhanced local efforts at surveying existing physical and institutional infrastructure. On 18 October [[2024]], the [[Ministry_of_State_(Urcea)#Department_of_National_and_Institutional_Development|DNID]] established headquarters in Kaigwa. The DNID began efforts to liaise with local officials about reeducation efforts as well as investments in the rebuilding economy. As part of that effort, [[Ministry_of_Commerce_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Cronan_Economic_Development|ACED]] planted its headquarters on 1 November [[2024]] and began to distribute loans both to private citizens and provisional local governments to facilitate rebuilding the state. On 3 January [[2025]], Bruno appointed Jala-meni, a prominent reform activist, as head of a commission of Algosh civilian advisors. This commission, the Commission on Public Affairs of the Algosh State (CPAAS), represented the first body of Algosh civilians in a public role in the transition period, albeit in an advisory capacity.
Throughout late 2024 and early 2025, the [[Urcea]]n [[Royal and Imperial Army (Urcea)|Royal and Imperial Army]] spread out throughout the country, occupying key garrisons and taking stock of available resources and existing infrastructure. During this period, the [[Government_of_Urcea#Overseas_Possessions|Military Rectory]] of Kaigwa was established as the military government of the region. [[Martin St. Clair]], as theater commander, served as nominal Military Rector but delegated authority to his Deputy Rector, Pra. Sen. Cormac Bruno of the [[Royal Marine Corps (Urcea)|Royal Marine Corps]]. Bruno's government focused on the indexing of available resources of the state and enhanced local efforts at surveying existing physical and institutional infrastructure. On 18 October [[2024]], the [[Ministry_of_State_(Urcea)#Department_of_National_and_Institutional_Development|DNID]] established headquarters in Kaigwa. The DNID began efforts to liaise with local officials about reeducation efforts as well as investments in the rebuilding economy. As part of that effort, [[Ministry_of_Commerce_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Cronan_Economic_Development|ACED]] planted its headquarters on 1 November [[2024]] and began to distribute loans both to private citizens and provisional local governments to facilitate rebuilding the state. On 3 January [[2025]], Bruno appointed Jala-meni, a prominent reform activist, as head of a commission of Algosh civilian advisors. This commission, the Commission on Public Affairs of the Algosh State (CPAAS), represented the first body of Algosh civilians in a public role in the transition period, albeit in an advisory capacity.
 
[[File:Carlyle Begay (16211866058).jpg|thumb|left|200px|In [[2026]], Algosh activist and civilian advisor Jala-meni was asked to form a provisional civilian government.]]
On 10 Feburary [[2025]], DNID and CPAAS began the long process of constructing the basic framework of a new Algosh state. These talks concluded with an agreement between both parties to begin elections for a constitutional convention, but the agreement also stated that such elections and convention could not be held until [[2026]] "at the earliest". Later, on 4 May 2025, Deputy Rector Bruno issued the Decree on Prices and Productivity, an act which began the liberalization of the economy by repealing previous price controls and state monopolies. The decree was devised by DNID and CPAAS in consultation and implemented by ACED. On 1 June, a proclamation was issued by CPAAS in the name of the Deputy Rector which conferred on most Algosh the "name and rights of citizen". The only group not included were all former Hierarchs as well as some senior military officials; the proclamation had the practical effect of absolving most military personnel of their role in the regime, opening the door for their reintegration into society. On 10 October, the occcupation government established a date for elections to the constitutional convention - 1 January, with the convention to begin on 1 February. The convention would use the old Hierarchies as a base constituency for the time being, with 100 overall delegates apportioned to each Hierarchy by population.  
On 10 Feburary [[2025]], DNID and CPAAS began the long process of constructing the basic framework of a new Algosh state. These talks concluded with an agreement between both parties to begin elections for a constitutional convention, but the agreement also stated that such elections and convention could not be held until [[2026]] "at the earliest". Later, on 4 May 2025, Deputy Rector Bruno issued the Decree on Prices and Productivity, an act which began the liberalization of the economy by repealing previous price controls and state monopolies. The decree was devised by DNID and CPAAS in consultation and implemented by ACED. On 1 June, a proclamation was issued by CPAAS in the name of the Deputy Rector which conferred on most Algosh the "name and rights of citizen". The only group not included were all former Hierarchs as well as some senior military officials; the proclamation had the practical effect of absolving most military personnel of their role in the regime, opening the door for their reintegration into society. On 10 October, the occcupation government established a date for elections to the constitutional convention - 1 January, with the convention to begin on 1 February. The convention would use the old Hierarchies as a base constituency for the time being, with 100 overall delegates apportioned to each Hierarchy by population.  


On 1 January 2026, under the supervision of the Royal and Imperial Army and volunteers associated with CPAAS, the convention election was held with no irregularities or problems, a momentous event in the history of the Algosh people. The convention began formally on 3 February of that year in Kaigwa but ran into significant issues as it was divided between traditionalists and reformers and by the end of February an impasse was reached. In the meantime, CPAAS and Urcea concluded an agreement whereby the Algosh would gain independence on 1 July 2026 and CPAAS becoming the provisional government under the leadership of Jala-meni as "Chairman of the National Provisional Governing Council" (NPGC). Although controversial in the convention (given that many in the convention sought to establish it as the provisional governing authority of the Algosh people) the convention nonetheless ratified the agreement on 8 March under the condition that the NPGC be made up of the six existing CPAAS members as well as four appointees of the convention and that any future vacancies in the NPGC would be filled by the convention, which was accepted by all parties. Although independence was set for 1 July, the new NPGC formally took office on 1 May of [[2026]] in preparation for the establishment of Algosh independence.
On 1 January 2026, under the supervision of the Royal and Imperial Army and volunteers associated with CPAAS, the convention election was held with no irregularities or problems, a momentous event in the history of the Algosh people. The convention began formally on 3 February of that year in Kaigwa but ran into significant issues as it was divided between traditionalists and reformers and by the end of February an impasse was reached. In the meantime, CPAAS and Urcea concluded an agreement whereby the Algosh would gain independence on 1 July 2026 and CPAAS becoming the provisional government under the leadership of Jala-meni as "Chairman of the National Provisional Governing Council" (NPGC). Although controversial in the convention (given that many in the convention sought to establish it as the provisional governing authority of the Algosh people) the convention nonetheless ratified the agreement on 8 March under the condition that the NPGC be made up of the six existing CPAAS members as well as four appointees of the convention and that any future vacancies in the NPGC would be filled by the convention, which was accepted by all parties. Although independence was set for 1 July, the new NPGC formally took office on 1 May of [[2026]] in preparation for the establishment of Algosh independence.
===Establishment of Republic===
===Establishment of Republic===
====Provisional government====
====Provisional government====
{{wip}}
The newly formed provisional government had two primary tasks before it, namely the construction of a state apparatus ahead of independence and overseeing the convention as it worked to establish a constitution for the Algosh Republic, of which the first task took priority in the few months between the government's establishment and state independence. The NGPC emulated Urcea's [[Concilium Purpaidá]] and established a six department cabinet (State, Administration, Justice, Commerce, Environment and Energy, and Domestic Security) on 4 May [[2026]]. The cabinet ministries effectively required to be built from the ground up in the span of a week using existing personnel and assets, and accordingly each ministry was divided into four departments with two agencies beneath each department. In addition to incorporating the basic administrative apparatus of Urcea's occupation government, the NGPC also controversially nationalized many of the extant local government resources and structures within the national framework, excluding basic local services like sewage and firefighting. This move gave the NGPC a much broader role in Algosh life, endowed it with significant resources, and also began the process of creating a standardized administrative and welfare state apparatus, but also caused significant division. In the coming months, past independence, the six cabinet ministers would spend an increasing amount of time feuding with local governments and local government-appointed subordinates in order to gain control of their ministry, but by [[2028]] the public administration had stabilized to the point where some assets - but not all - were returned to local governments.
The newly formed provisional government had two primary tasks before it, namely the construction of a state apparatus ahead of independence and overseeing the convention as it worked to establish a constitution for the Algosh Republic.
 
With the matter of public administration largely settled, the government turned to ensuring a successful constitutional effort. In this respect, it was less successful. Leveraging newly acquired local assets as well as international aid, the NGPC began to import large numbers of Occidental legal scholars to serve as aids to the convention and to render technical assistance. While useful, this move alienated many traditionalists and stalled the proceedings of the convention. Many NGPC members had hoped the constitution would be agreed upon, if not ratified, by the time of independence. Instead, the intransigence of the convention's members and divisions among them would mean a draft constitution would not take shape or be ratified until more than a year after independence. During this period, the NGPC generally and Chairman Jala-meni specifically had to expend significant political capital to keep the convention on course and to leverage public opinion in favor of it completing its work. The convention-appointed members of the NGPC also proved unreliable and undermined the NGPC as often as they were useful to it, sometimes contradicting statements of other members made in public as well as giving convention leaders advanced notice of efforts to rally the public.
[[File:Bandar Seri Begawan 28 July 2022 06.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The issue as to whether or not to use Hierarch Hall (photographed in 2022) as the seat of government served as a proxy for deeper cultural battles for the Algosh provisional government.]]
[[File:Bandar Seri Begawan 28 July 2022 06.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The issue as to whether or not to use Hierarch Hall (photographed in 2022) as the seat of government served as a proxy for deeper cultural battles for the Algosh provisional government.]]
One of the most divisive pre-independence issues faced by the provisional government was the issue of the seat of government. The issue related to whether or not the government would be based in the Hierarch Hall - the Audonian and Occidental-inspired palace used by the Grand Hierarch of [[Algoquona]] and all previous military governments - or whether a more "suitable", civic-oriented building would be used, such as the elaborate old Varshani embassy building at that time being used by the provisional government. The issue, while seemingly insignificant, deeply divided traditionalists and reformers. Traditionalists argued that the building was a link to the past, symbol of Algosh statehood, and was a key part of the kind of nation-building the government was undertaking. Reformers argued the building was a symbol of oppression and militarism, and would send the wrong message not only to the Republic's neighbors but also its youth, signifying that militarism and a militaristic culture was still at the heart of Algosh society. The issue sidelined significant amounts of progress made on both the formation of an administration and the drafting of the constitution as it became a proxy for many of the major, deeper cultural issues dividing Algosh society, and accordingly it consumed most of the government's (and convention's) attention during June [[2026]]. As the date for independence approached, Chairman Jala-meni devised a compromise. Hierarch Hall would become the seat of government, renamed Nation Hall, and no public official would enter it until an elaborate joint [[M'acunist]]-[[Catholic Church|Catholic]] "cleansing ceremony" occurred, after which time a wave of iconoclastic violence would destroy the statuary of the former Grand Hierarchs and some (but not all) of the battle scenes. Many traditionalists objected to this as destroying national heritage, but enough moderate traditionalists found space to agree. The ceremony occurred on June 28 [[2026]] just ahead of the date of formal independence.  
One of the most divisive pre-independence issues faced by the provisional government was the issue of the seat of government. The issue related to whether or not the government would be based in the Hierarch Hall - the Audonian and Occidental-inspired palace used by the Grand Hierarch of [[Algoquona]] and all previous military governments - or whether a more "suitable", civic-oriented building would be used, such as the elaborate old Varshani embassy building at that time being used by the provisional government. The issue, while seemingly insignificant, deeply divided traditionalists and reformers. Traditionalists argued that the building was a link to the past, symbol of Algosh statehood, and was a key part of the kind of nation-building the government was undertaking. Reformers argued the building was a symbol of oppression and militarism, and would send the wrong message not only to the Republic's neighbors but also its youth, signifying that militarism and a militaristic culture was still at the heart of Algosh society. The issue sidelined significant amounts of progress made on both the formation of an administration and the drafting of the constitution as it became a proxy for many of the major, deeper cultural issues dividing Algosh society, and accordingly it consumed most of the government's (and convention's) attention during June [[2026]]. As the date for independence approached, Chairman Jala-meni devised a compromise. Hierarch Hall would become the seat of government, renamed Nation Hall, and no public official would enter it until an elaborate joint [[M'acunist]]-[[Catholic Church|Catholic]] "cleansing ceremony" occurred, after which time a wave of iconoclastic violence would destroy the statuary of the former Grand Hierarchs and some (but not all) of the battle scenes. Many traditionalists objected to this as destroying national heritage, but enough moderate traditionalists found space to agree. The ceremony occurred on June 28 [[2026]] just ahead of the date of formal independence.  


On midnight on 1 July [[2026]], the Algosh Republic became an independent state. The Urcean flag was lowered across the city and replaced with a new flag, the green banner of the Republic, which incorporated the old symbols of Algoquona while removing its martial colors of red and yellow.  
On midnight on 1 July [[2026]], the Algosh Republic became an independent state. The Urcean flag was lowered across the city and replaced with a new flag, the green banner of the Republic, which incorporated the old symbols of Algoquona while removing its martial colors of red and yellow. With independence, the provisional government became the legitimate governing body of the sovereign state of the Algosh Republic. The issue of the constitution remained an outstanding one. The convention would continue to act in a relatively unruly way for the remainder of [[2026]] as sharpening partisan divides threatened its continued business. In November 2026, Chairman Jala-meni called for new elections for the constitutional convention, stating that its current composition had proven to be unable to breach impasses. This call was sharply controversial as the convention felt its prerogatives as an elected body were being jeopardized, but it nonetheless approved the new election with a bare majority while overwhelmingly voting to censure Chairman Jala-meni and the provisional government. Unlike the previous election, the 15 December constitutional convention election was accompanied by significant campaigning, including by Jala-meni who campaigned on behalf of the reform faction. Reformers won a majority of the convention in the December election and, with moderates, now formed the two-thirds necessary to ratify the constitution. With a majority in hand, the convention now sought to reunify the country by means of mutually agreeable concessions to the traditionalists now in a superminority. On 18 February [[2027]], the convention approved a draft constitution by a margin of 83 to 17. It was sent to a national referendum to be held on 1 June [[2027]] with an effective date of 1 July. As with the December election, the two major factions launched major vote-getting campaigns for or against the draft, which was ultimately approved by a 67-33 margin. It took effect as the Hierarchical Canon of 2027 on 1 July and scheduled elections to take place in 2030.


The new state's provisional government immediately faced a contentious issue with regard to Varshani refugees. Among the two major political factions of the provisional era - the reformers and the traditionalists - the reformers took a harder-line anti-refugee approach while the traditionalists were in favor of refugee resettlement. Though cultural observers noted that this was somewhat counterintuitive from an Occidental point of view, the traditionalists argued that [[Zurgite Varshan]] fought and was destroyed partly on behalf of [[Algoquona]]'s independence, and thus the Algosh people had a "bond of honor" to accept Varshani people. The provisional government resisted the resettlement on the basis of the poverty of the people already living within the Republic, but [[Urcea]] sought their resettlement due to the well established aid infrastructure and general plentiful food stores now established in northern [[Cusinaut]]. The reformers ultimately lost the public debate and in August [[2027]] agreed to resettle a thousand Varshani families along the mostly wartorn eastern border with [[New Harren]].
After independence, the new state's provisional government immediately faced a contentious issue with regard to Varshani refugees. Among the two major political factions of the provisional era - the reformers and the traditionalists - the reformers took a harder-line anti-refugee approach while the traditionalists were in favor of refugee resettlement. Though cultural observers noted that this was somewhat counterintuitive from an Occidental point of view, the traditionalists argued that [[Zurgite Varshan]] fought and was destroyed partly on behalf of [[Algoquona]]'s independence, and thus the Algosh people had a "bond of honor" to accept Varshani people. The provisional government resisted the resettlement on the basis of the poverty of the people already living within the Republic, but [[Urcea]] sought their resettlement due to the well established aid infrastructure and general plentiful food stores now established in northern [[Cusinaut]]. The reformers ultimately lost the public debate and in August [[2027]] agreed to resettle a thousand Varshani families along the mostly wartorn eastern border with [[New Harren]].


====2030 election and nation-building====
====2030 election and nation-building====
The 2030 election was the first free and fair election in the history of the Algosh people and was observed by multiple international organizations and foreign countries. As per the Hierarchical Canon, all 263 seats of the National Assembly as well as the local legislatures of all ten Captaincies were on the ballot. The Algosh Rebirth League won a majority in the National Assembly, majorities in all ten Captaincies, and the office of Hierarch of the Treasury. The Rebirth League, consequently, continued the Algosh Republic on the path of social reform and nation-building began by the provisional government. All ten members of the provisional government were elected as Rebirth League members of the Assembly, while its chair Jala-meni retained power, now as Chancellor and Majority Leader of the National Assembly.
The 2030 election was the first free and fair election for government officials in the history of the Algosh people and was observed by multiple international organizations and foreign countries. As per the Hierarchical Canon, all 263 seats of the National Assembly as well as the local legislatures of all ten Captaincies were on the ballot. The Algosh Rebirth League won a majority in the National Assembly, majorities in all ten Captaincies, and the office of Hierarch of the Treasury. The Rebirth League, consequently, continued the Algosh Republic on the path of social reform and nation-building began by the provisional government. All ten members of the provisional government were elected as Rebirth League members of the Assembly, while its chair Jala-meni retained power, now as Chancellor and Majority Leader of the National Assembly. An ally of Jala-meni named Paka-antini was elected Hierarch of the Treasury, ensuring that Jala-meni remained at the center of Algosh political life. A political newcomer named Fel-ajani, a former military officer with some reform-leanings, was elected National Hierarch with the regnal name of Fel-ajani I.


The 2030s were a time of continued social upheaval in the Republic due to the impacts of disarmament on the Algosh worldview and the growth of out-migration of both war veterans and young men.
The 2030s were a time of continued social upheaval in the Republic due to the impacts of disarmament on the Algosh worldview and the growth of out-migration of both war veterans and young men. It also continued the trend of women entering Algosh public life, the rise of new men within urban cores, and the continued economic growth resulting from the [[improvement economy]]. Politically, it has been characterized as a period of normalization inasmuch as the elected government is increasingly being viewed as the expected norm rather than a foreign imposition. The National Hierarch Fel-ajani I and Chancellor Jala-meni have had a largely ambivalent relationship, with the National Hierarch serving as something of a traditionalist check on the Jala-meni's otherwise unchallenged control of the government and the Captaincies.


==Government==
==Government==
[[File:MMN4.JPG|thumb|left|250px|Nation Hall, seat of government of the Algosh Republic.]]
The Algosh Republic, as its name would suggest, is a {{wp|federal republic}} employing a basic [[Julian republic|Urcean-style republican system]], with a {{wp|head of state}}, a {{wp|chief executive}}, and a legislative {{wp|head of government}}. Many of the titles and honors included within these republican roles - especially National Hierarch and Hierarch of the Treasury - are modeled after the traditional titles and honors of the military rulers of [[Algoquona]], also called hierarchs, but are instead chosen by election. The nation is governed under the Hierarchical Canon of [[2027]], which serves as the nation's {{wp|Constitution|constitution}}. It reflects the basic {{wp|separation of powers}} implicit within the [[Government of Urcea]] and includes a {{wp|bill of rights}} modeled after the [[Great Bull of 1811]]. Elections in the Algosh Republic occur on years beginning with "0" and "5". The first election was held in [[2030]].
The Algosh Republic, as its name would suggest, is a {{wp|federal republic}} employing a basic [[Julian republic|Urcean-style republican system]], with a {{wp|head of state}}, a {{wp|chief executive}}, and a legislative {{wp|head of government}}. Many of the titles and honors included within these republican roles - especially National Hierarch and Hierarch of the Treasury - are modeled after the traditional titles and honors of the military rulers of [[Algoquona]], also called hierarchs, but are instead chosen by election. The nation is governed under the Hierarchical Canon of [[2027]], which serves as the nation's {{wp|Constitution|constitution}}. It reflects the basic {{wp|separation of powers}} implicit within the [[Government of Urcea]] and includes a {{wp|bill of rights}} modeled after the [[Great Bull of 1811]]. Elections in the Algosh Republic occur on years beginning with "0" and "5". The first election was held in [[2030]].
===The Hierarchs===
===The Hierarchs===
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===National Assembly===
===National Assembly===
The National Assembly is the national unicameral legislature of the Algosh Republic. Its 263 members are elected from 200 districts apportioned once per decade between the nation's 10 captaincies, with 63 remaining members elected at-large. Its elections are held every five years in years beginning in "0" and "5". It holds authority over all matters of law and all treaties, and it cannot be dissolved.  
The National Assembly is the national unicameral legislature of the Algosh Republic. Its 263 members are elected from 200 districts apportioned once per decade between the nation's 10 captaincies, with 63 remaining members elected at-large. Its elections are held every five years in years beginning in "0" and "5". It holds authority over all matters of law and all treaties, and it cannot be dissolved.  
 
[[File:New Rajya Sabha chamber in the New Parliament building.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The National Assembly chamber in Nation Hall.]]
The leader of the Assembly is the Chancellor and Assembly Majority Leader, who holds both a political role within the Assembly and an administrative role within the national treasury, functionally making the Chancellor the {{wp|head of government}}. The Chancellor, on behalf of the Assembly, is responsible for appointing members of the national cabinet. Although the cabinet is compelled to take direction from the Hierarch of the Treasury, they are nonetheless responsible to the Chancellor.
The leader of the Assembly is the Chancellor and Assembly Majority Leader, who holds both a political role within the Assembly and an administrative role within the national treasury, functionally making the Chancellor the {{wp|head of government}}. The Chancellor, on behalf of the Assembly, is responsible for appointing members of the national cabinet. Although the cabinet is compelled to take direction from the Hierarch of the Treasury, they are nonetheless responsible to the Chancellor.


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The Algosh culture is undergoing significant changes as a result of the end of [[Algoquona]] and its traditional role over north-central [[Cusinaut]], traditionally dominating smaller groups of people and greatly emphasizing their martial character. Within Algosh culture itself, scholars, politicians, and celebrities alike are reportedly trying to find what it means to be "Algosh alone" - that is, a distinct people without reference to external martial or geopolitical characteristics. This martial character was not just external facing related to peripheral peoples in peripheral territories, but rather a deep sense of self within Algosh society. Traditionally, the Algosh martial spirit was not only reflected in its outward domination but also in its internal social organization and individual worldview and outlook. Martial achievement dominated most facets of pre-2024 Algosh life. Between the development of the Algosh administrative state in the early 20th century and [[2024]], every person (man, woman, or child) within Algosh society was regimented, meaning that every person was assigned a nominal unit to which they belonged; not only was this an administrative distinction which had a practical side in the event of conscription or the formation of militias, but it also created social groups based on expected shared military experiences. It also created a natural hierarchy within society wherein "unit" superiors were respected and deferred to, and on top of which the political Hierarchs had significant local control within the old [[Algoquona]]n political system. Social regimentation was abolished in [[2027]], weakening the ties between people within the country. Additionally, being part of the armed forces and serving in some capacity - be it in frontier tribal control or actual military combat - was a critical part of the {{wp|coming of age}} process of young men in Algoquona, creating what has become a "lost generation" for young men in their teenaged years during the late 2020s. This alienation, resulting from both disarmament and the liberalization of Algosh society, has not only caused resentment but clinically measured mass disillusionment. In response to the overwhelming cultural shock inaugurated by disarmament, the government of the Republic has spent considerable amounts of both time and capital into cultural awareness and revival organizations as part of an overall scheme of {{wp|Nation-building|nation-building}}. Many Occidental scholars have noted the relative unique position of a centuries-old people requiring state-funded nation-building, and believe that it speaks to the significant place that martial domination of others had in pre-republican Algosh culture.
The Algosh culture is undergoing significant changes as a result of the end of [[Algoquona]] and its traditional role over north-central [[Cusinaut]], traditionally dominating smaller groups of people and greatly emphasizing their martial character. Within Algosh culture itself, scholars, politicians, and celebrities alike are reportedly trying to find what it means to be "Algosh alone" - that is, a distinct people without reference to external martial or geopolitical characteristics. This martial character was not just external facing related to peripheral peoples in peripheral territories, but rather a deep sense of self within Algosh society. Traditionally, the Algosh martial spirit was not only reflected in its outward domination but also in its internal social organization and individual worldview and outlook. Martial achievement dominated most facets of pre-2024 Algosh life. Between the development of the Algosh administrative state in the early 20th century and [[2024]], every person (man, woman, or child) within Algosh society was regimented, meaning that every person was assigned a nominal unit to which they belonged; not only was this an administrative distinction which had a practical side in the event of conscription or the formation of militias, but it also created social groups based on expected shared military experiences. It also created a natural hierarchy within society wherein "unit" superiors were respected and deferred to, and on top of which the political Hierarchs had significant local control within the old [[Algoquona]]n political system. Social regimentation was abolished in [[2027]], weakening the ties between people within the country. Additionally, being part of the armed forces and serving in some capacity - be it in frontier tribal control or actual military combat - was a critical part of the {{wp|coming of age}} process of young men in Algoquona, creating what has become a "lost generation" for young men in their teenaged years during the late 2020s. This alienation, resulting from both disarmament and the liberalization of Algosh society, has not only caused resentment but clinically measured mass disillusionment. In response to the overwhelming cultural shock inaugurated by disarmament, the government of the Republic has spent considerable amounts of both time and capital into cultural awareness and revival organizations as part of an overall scheme of {{wp|Nation-building|nation-building}}. Many Occidental scholars have noted the relative unique position of a centuries-old people requiring state-funded nation-building, and believe that it speaks to the significant place that martial domination of others had in pre-republican Algosh culture.
 
[[File:Animal skin with pictorial history of Shoshoni chief Wahakie's combats - NARA - 530876.jpg|thumb|left|200px|Ancestral participation in battles (such as the Battle of Re'du'on depicted here in late medieval art), which are often considered to be mythical in nature, form the basis of the ''ala'osayenya' h'' cultrual groups.]]
In the place of the Algoquona-era social regimentation, some other traditional martial-adjacent social groupings have been reintroduced or reemphasized by the government in order to create alternative social groupings in the very group-and-hierarchy oriented Algosh society. The most famous of these are the "old brotherhoods" or ''ala'osayenya' h''. The old brotherhoods are established lineages of descendants who fought in famous battles in Algosh history, with lists of famous battles determined by a general organic sense of society. Many of these battles were historic events which occurred prior to the formation of the [[Northern Confederation]], two were in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the majority of the remainder are considered by Occidental historians to be mythical events with a possible basis in real history. In any case, the old brotherhoods form a type of soft clan structure whereby social interactions are encouraged within the brotherhoods but not necessarily excluded from outside them. Additionally, most of the old brotherhoods have specific festivals commemorating their particular remembered battle, which includes parades, reenactments, retellings, and other similar events. The old brotherhoods became less fashionable following the regimentation of society but have become favored by the Algosh Republican government as a replacement for the regimental institutions.
In the place of the Algoquona-era social regimentation, some other traditional martial-adjacent social groupings have been reintroduced or reemphasized by the government in order to create alternative social groupings in the very group-and-hierarchy oriented Algosh society. The most famous of these are the "old brotherhoods" or ''ala'osayenya' h''. The old brotherhoods are established lineages of descendants who fought in famous battles in Algosh history, with lists of famous battles determined by a general organic sense of society. Many of these battles were historic events which occurred prior to the formation of the [[Northern Confederation]], two were in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the majority of the remainder are considered by Occidental historians to be mythical events with a possible basis in real history. In any case, the old brotherhoods form a type of soft clan structure whereby social interactions are encouraged within the brotherhoods but not necessarily excluded from outside them. Additionally, most of the old brotherhoods have specific festivals commemorating their particular remembered battle, which includes parades, reenactments, retellings, and other similar events. The old brotherhoods became less fashionable following the regimentation of society but have become favored by the Algosh Republican government as a replacement for the regimental institutions.


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==Economy==
==Economy==
The Algosh Republic's economy is considered {{wp|developing economy|developing}}. Economists have noted that it projects to have moderately strong growth in the future, both due to the effects of liberalization on the economy as well as the potential for major economic reconstruction and restructuring due to the lasting devastation of war on the country. The Algosh Republic has been subject to signficant foreign aid and development schemes employing the [[improvement economy]] model, using funds from both the Urcean [[Ministry_of_Commerce_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Cronan_Economic_Development|Agency for Cronan Economic Development]] as well as private investment. The Algosh Republic, due its population and relative state of urbanization, has been a major source of foreign private capital investment, and many international investors and analysts are bullish on the possibility of the Republic being the "next [[Quetzenkel#Economy|Quetzenkel]]" in terms of being a major Cronan development success story. Despite this positive outlook, the Algosh Republic is still a very poor country as of the early-mid 2030s, with a GDP PC of $6,182 entering the decade. Unlike other countries being made subject to the improvement economy, the Republic had a relatively strong pre-existent network of roads, bridges, and railways in the immediate vicinity of Kaigwa, and so economists believe the economic growth to come will be more concentrated in outlying cities rather than the current economic heart of the country, and that benefits will primarily come from the creation of a new middle and upper class rather than the direct improvement economy benefit of urbanization. This extant transportation system and degree of urbanization has significant benefits for the Republic's outlook, however, as foreign firms are already opening locations in Kaigwa rather than prospectively waiting for project completions, and a small urban middle class (the "New Men") already exists that governs the Republic and can participate in the amenity-serivce economy. The outflow of young men, particularly those of working age, has proved a challenge towards the Republic's economic reconstruction, but it has also created economic conditions necessary for women to enter the workforce; this trend has improved the Republic's attractiveness to foreign capital, as it functionally represents a check on social backsliding and makes the Republic a more stable investment opportunity in the long-term according to foreign investors.
[[File:CBD Cranes.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Urban cranes, a common symbol of the [[improvement economy]], are frequent sights in Kaigwa as the city is a major growth destination as a result of its preexisting infrastructure.]]
The Algosh Republic's economy is considered {{wp|developing economy|developing}}. Economists have noted that it projects to have moderately strong growth in the future, both due to the effects of liberalization on the economy as well as the potential for major economic reconstruction and restructuring due to the lasting devastation of war on the country. The Algosh Republic has been subject to signficant foreign aid and development schemes employing the [[improvement economy]] model, using funds from both the Urcean [[Ministry_of_Commerce_(Urcea)#Agency_for_Cronan_Economic_Development|Agency for Cronan Economic Development]] as well as private investment. The Algosh Republic, due its population and relative state of urbanization, has been a major source of foreign private capital investment, and many international investors and analysts are bullish on the possibility of the Republic being the "next [[Quetzenkel#Economy|Quetzenkel]]" in terms of being a major Cronan development success story. Despite this positive outlook, the Algosh Republic is still a very poor country as of the early-mid 2030s, with a GDP PC of $6,182 entering the decade. Unlike other countries being made subject to the improvement economy, the Republic had a relatively strong pre-existent network of roads, bridges, and railways in the immediate vicinity of Kaigwa, and so economists believe the economic growth to come will be more concentrated in outlying cities rather than the current economic heart of the country, and that benefits will primarily come from the creation of a new middle and upper class rather than the direct improvement economy benefit of urbanization. This extant transportation system and degree of urbanization has significant benefits for the Republic's outlook, however, as foreign firms are already opening locations in Kaigwa rather than prospectively waiting for project completions, and a small urban middle class (the "New Men") already exists that governs the Republic and can participate in the amenity-service economy. The outflow of young men, particularly those of working age, has proved a challenge towards the Republic's economic reconstruction, but it has also created economic conditions necessary for women to enter the workforce; this trend has improved the Republic's attractiveness to foreign capital, as it functionally represents a check on social backsliding and makes the Republic a more stable investment opportunity in the long-term according to foreign investors.


Besides its developing urban and industrial economy, the Algosh Republic has robust agricultural and mining sectors. In agriculture, the country grows predominantly {{wp|maize}} and {{wp|potato}}es, as is the case in most of the rest of [[Cusinaut]]. In mining, the Algosh Republic is a major source of {{wp|nickel}}. Prior to [[2024]], the nickel mines were owned by the state and the country's mining industry was characterized as being plagued with inefficiency, waste, fraud, and generally being outdated. Significant foreign investments since the establishment of the Republic have revolutionized the now private nickel mining sector, and nickel output has increased twofold between [[2015]] and [[2035]]. Many economists project that the Republic will become a leading country in nickel mining by [[2050]] or [[2060]]. Besides nickel, trace quantities of {{wp|uranium}} ore have been discovered in the country, joining other Cusinaut countries in being viable for uranium mining, but specialization in nickel - combined with plentiful ore and beneficial economic conditions in neighboring [[New Harren]] - have generally led to low interest in uranium mining within the Republic.
Besides its developing urban and industrial economy, the Algosh Republic has robust agricultural and mining sectors. In agriculture, the country grows predominantly {{wp|maize}} and {{wp|potato}}es, as is the case in most of the rest of [[Cusinaut]]. In mining, the Algosh Republic is a major source of {{wp|nickel}}. Prior to [[2024]], the nickel mines were owned by the state and the country's mining industry was characterized as being plagued with inefficiency, waste, fraud, and generally being outdated. Significant foreign investments since the establishment of the Republic have revolutionized the now private nickel mining sector, and nickel output has increased twofold between [[2015]] and [[2035]]. Many economists project that the Republic will become a leading country in nickel mining by [[2050]] or [[2060]]. Besides nickel, trace quantities of {{wp|uranium}} ore have been discovered in the country, joining other Cusinaut countries in being viable for uranium mining, but specialization in nickel - combined with plentiful ore and beneficial economic conditions in neighboring [[New Harren]] - have generally led to low interest in uranium mining within the Republic.
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[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:IXWB]]
[[Category:Algosh]]
[[Category:Algosh]]
[[Category:Map Completion Project]]
[[Category:Map Completion Project (Completed)]]