Federalist Republican Alliance: Difference between revisions

m
Text replacement - "Taństan" to "Eshavian"
m (Text replacement - "Taństan" to "Eshavian")
Line 239: Line 239:
SRA voters tend to have higher incomes, higher rates of educational attainment, higher property values, and longer lifespans than the national average. Adjusted for the different characteristics of various faith traditions, SRA supporters have an average rate of religious participation close to the national median (though it is worth noting that the Kiravian median is quite high), and their distribution among religious denominations is reasonably reflective of the electorate as a whole. [[Insular Apostolic Church|Insular Apostolic Christians]] lean toward the SRA more than the other major Christian denominations. There is a demonstrated relationship between the Iduan religion and voter preference for the SRA, with SRA candidates holding a ~25 point lead with citizens identifying Iduanism as their sole or primary religion. Christian ethno-social communities of Iduan heritage cast a greater share of their votes for SRA candidates than other Christian communities of the same denomination and IDLD rating.  
SRA voters tend to have higher incomes, higher rates of educational attainment, higher property values, and longer lifespans than the national average. Adjusted for the different characteristics of various faith traditions, SRA supporters have an average rate of religious participation close to the national median (though it is worth noting that the Kiravian median is quite high), and their distribution among religious denominations is reasonably reflective of the electorate as a whole. [[Insular Apostolic Church|Insular Apostolic Christians]] lean toward the SRA more than the other major Christian denominations. There is a demonstrated relationship between the Iduan religion and voter preference for the SRA, with SRA candidates holding a ~25 point lead with citizens identifying Iduanism as their sole or primary religion. Christian ethno-social communities of Iduan heritage cast a greater share of their votes for SRA candidates than other Christian communities of the same denomination and IDLD rating.  


With regard to [[tuva|Coscivian ethno-social divisions]], the SRA performs best with groups rated as 'Forward' or 'Stable' by the IDLD, indicating better educational and economic outcomes. Ethno-social groups considered loyal to the SRA at the polls include [[Ĥeiran Coscivians|Ĥeiran Coscivians]] generally, [[Taństan Coscivians]] (especially outside of their historic homeland in the Northeast]], Red Kir, Kalistan Kir, Sanþans, Hisrovans, Thantrans, Kerēgulans, the Kandaran/Likútan/Idekan/Fulmarine cohort, Nuśiryans and Krakyerkir, Kúvatans, Visikirans, Issantaks, Meridran Kir, and Umcarans. The SRA and its predecessors have traditionally attracted strong support from the Gaelic population, in large part because of their poor relationship to the Kirosocialist government. This has become less uniform in recent decades, mainly due to the urban, working-class, and recent-immigrant segments of that population shifting toward the centre-left CSU or left-wing [[Camchéachta]], though SRA preferences remain very high among the Gaelic middle class, Kiravian Gaels and old-stock Fanerian- and Fiannrian-Kiravians, anti-communist Carnish emigrés, and Gaelic highlanders. White-collar naturalised citizens also historically swung hard for the SRA, but it remains to be seen whether this will continue after the secession of the [[Union of Democrats and Independents|UDI Caucus]].
With regard to [[tuva|Coscivian ethno-social divisions]], the SRA performs best with groups rated as 'Forward' or 'Stable' by the IDLD, indicating better educational and economic outcomes. Ethno-social groups considered loyal to the SRA at the polls include [[Ĥeiran Coscivians|Ĥeiran Coscivians]] generally, [[Eshavian Coscivians]] (especially outside of their historic homeland in the Northeast]], Red Kir, Kalistan Kir, Sanþans, Hisrovans, Thantrans, Kerēgulans, the Kandaran/Likútan/Idekan/Fulmarine cohort, Nuśiryans and Krakyerkir, Kúvatans, Visikirans, Issantaks, Meridran Kir, and Umcarans. The SRA and its predecessors have traditionally attracted strong support from the Gaelic population, in large part because of their poor relationship to the Kirosocialist government. This has become less uniform in recent decades, mainly due to the urban, working-class, and recent-immigrant segments of that population shifting toward the centre-left CSU or left-wing [[Camchéachta]], though SRA preferences remain very high among the Gaelic middle class, Kiravian Gaels and old-stock Fanerian- and Fiannrian-Kiravians, anti-communist Carnish emigrés, and Gaelic highlanders. White-collar naturalised citizens also historically swung hard for the SRA, but it remains to be seen whether this will continue after the secession of the [[Union of Democrats and Independents|UDI Caucus]].


A study found that members of SRA-affiliated parties have the highest levels of access to and use of information technology of any caucus, save the now-defunct [[Direct Democratic Front]].
A study found that members of SRA-affiliated parties have the highest levels of access to and use of information technology of any caucus, save the now-defunct [[Direct Democratic Front]].