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Kirosocialist Party: Difference between revisions
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Kirsok was strongly ''dhianbrikirisēx'' or "nondistinctionist", believing that ''tuva'', the many hundreds of (mostly endogamous) ethnosocial groups to which Coscivian-Kiravians belonged, should not have any recognition from the state or carry any legal significance. | Kirsok was strongly ''dhianbrikirisēx'' or "nondistinctionist", believing that ''tuva'', the many hundreds of (mostly endogamous) ethnosocial groups to which Coscivian-Kiravians belonged, should not have any recognition from the state or carry any legal significance. | ||
On language policy, Kirsok worked for monolingualism, promoting Kiravic Coscivian as the {{wp|national language}} at the expense of regional Coscivian languages such as [[West Coast Marine Coscivian]] and the larger Coscivian ethnic vernaculars. It also campaigned against the use of [[High Coscivian]] in literature, higher education, law, scientific writing, and state symbolism. Campaigns against [[Gaelic in Kiravia|Gaelic]] were unsuccessful and served only to intensify ethnic Gaels' opposition to the Party, though the Party continued to undermine Gaelic education and discontinue the use of the language in government materials. However, despite its general monolingualism, Kirsok did make efforts to support the literary development of certain minority languages, such as | On language policy, Kirsok worked for monolingualism, promoting Kiravic Coscivian as the {{wp|national language}} at the expense of regional Coscivian languages such as [[West Coast Marine Coscivian]] and the larger Coscivian ethnic vernaculars. It also campaigned against the use of [[High Coscivian]] in literature, higher education, law, scientific writing, and state symbolism. Campaigns against [[Gaelic in Kiravia|Gaelic]] were unsuccessful and served only to intensify ethnic Gaels' opposition to the Party, though the Party continued to undermine Gaelic education and discontinue the use of the language in government materials. However, despite its general monolingualism, Kirsok did make efforts to support the literary development of certain minority languages, such as Pretannic (Welsh-Kiravians being strong supporters of the Party), Aboriginal and Finno-Ugrian languages, Rhūnik, and some small Cosco-Adratic or otherwise Éorsan languages spoken by small and insular communities, such as [[Kikik language|Kikik]]. The Party supported acceleration of {{wp|dialect levelling}} to iron out differences among Kiravic dialects, and supported Standard Kiravic as the sole literary register, denouncing Nohæric as bourgeois and High Kiravic as élitist. Even today Standard Kiravic remains the preferred written form for most federal government documents, even though Nohæric is more common in literature, the press, and education. | ||
Kirsok supported gender equality and women's liberation, legalising divorce in areas where it had been illegal and implementing judicial reforms to make divorce more accessible for women, encouraging female entry into the workforce, and allowing the distribution of oral contraceptives when they became available. More quietly, homosexual behaviour was decriminalised in all federal subjects under Kirosocialism, and private sexual behaviours were implicitly included in national nondiscrimination laws. | Kirsok supported gender equality and women's liberation, legalising divorce in areas where it had been illegal and implementing judicial reforms to make divorce more accessible for women, encouraging female entry into the workforce, and allowing the distribution of oral contraceptives when they became available. More quietly, homosexual behaviour was decriminalised in all federal subjects under Kirosocialism, and private sexual behaviours were implicitly included in national nondiscrimination laws. | ||
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Reception to the rise of Kirosocialism was mixed among South Kiravian tillers. Though many were attracted by the party's anti-landlord rhetoric and promises of land reform, most nonetheless saw the Kirosocialist Party as a Northern institution and its ideology as yet another Northern imposition. Although this was reported by Party organisers working in the South, the reports fell on deaf ears in the Party apparatus, which made no changes to its message. | Reception to the rise of Kirosocialism was mixed among South Kiravian tillers. Though many were attracted by the party's anti-landlord rhetoric and promises of land reform, most nonetheless saw the Kirosocialist Party as a Northern institution and its ideology as yet another Northern imposition. Although this was reported by Party organisers working in the South, the reports fell on deaf ears in the Party apparatus, which made no changes to its message. | ||
{{wp|Brittonic languages| | {{wp|Brittonic languages|Pretannic Celts}}, many of whom were involved in heavily-unionised mining occupations, were ardent supporters of the Party, exemplified by its Welsh-speaking Secretary-General, Rŵlon Jones. | ||
[[Category:IXWB]] | [[Category:IXWB]] | ||