Federalist Republican Alliance: Difference between revisions

m
Line 130: Line 130:
In a Kiravian context, the SRA is perceived as moderate on social and cultural issues, though individual members and member-parties may position themselves as strong {{wp|cultural libertarianism|cultural libertarians}}, strong {{wp|social conservatism|social conservatives}} and traditionalists, or anything in between, as is usually the case. The SRA is generally less inclined to legislate personal morality than is the Caritist Social Union, and less inclined to legislate culture and national identity than the Coscivian National Congress. It does, however, position itself as a defender of the social order (''askolavirsa''), upholding a civic morality grounded in Shaftonist-Abrahamic values and a middle-class mentality. Shaftonist-Republicans oppose Whig ideas of teleological {{wp|Social progress|social progess}} on Shaftonist philosophical grounds, as well as postmodernist and Marxian/neo-Marxian social critique.
In a Kiravian context, the SRA is perceived as moderate on social and cultural issues, though individual members and member-parties may position themselves as strong {{wp|cultural libertarianism|cultural libertarians}}, strong {{wp|social conservatism|social conservatives}} and traditionalists, or anything in between, as is usually the case. The SRA is generally less inclined to legislate personal morality than is the Caritist Social Union, and less inclined to legislate culture and national identity than the Coscivian National Congress. It does, however, position itself as a defender of the social order (''askolavirsa''), upholding a civic morality grounded in Shaftonist-Abrahamic values and a middle-class mentality. Shaftonist-Republicans oppose Whig ideas of teleological {{wp|Social progress|social progess}} on Shaftonist philosophical grounds, as well as postmodernist and Marxian/neo-Marxian social critique.


[[Kiravian federalism]] reserves most matters of {{wp|social policy}} and {{wp|cultural policy}} to the provincial government, and as such the federal SRA caucus itself gives few official positions on social issues. It should be noted that there is a prevailing conservative consensus in Kiravia with regard to familiar debates surrounding human sexuality and bioëthics in many other countries, and as such these 'hot-button' issues are less politically salient.
[[Kiravian federalism]] reserves most matters of {{wp|social policy}} and {{wp|cultural policy}} to provincial governments, and as such the federal SRA caucus itself gives few official positions on social issues. It should be noted that there is a prevailing conservative consensus in Kiravia with regard to familiar debates surrounding human sexuality and bioëthics in many other countries, and as such these 'hot-button' issues are less politically salient.


As the SRA says little to define its social positions in its own words, perspectives from its critics may be more illustrative: Some religious figures and traditional leaders (including the [[Valosian Coscivians|King of the Valosians]]) have accused the SRA of "nurturing that Coscivian vice of [[moral compartmentalism]]", keeping immoral activities and countercultural ideas out of certain contexts and institutions, while sheltering them in others. Concrete examples cited by such critics include [[Gambling_in_Kiravia#Online_Gambling|carveouts in federal anti-gambling laws]] and some provincial SRA affiliates' latitude on issues such as pornography control and gender-neutral domestic partnerships. Many on the Kiravian Left desribe the SRA's cultural platform as enforced national-bourgeois conformity that indulges "luxury vice" while policing proletarian behaviour and ignoring the damage done to the social fabric of the working classes by liberalisation.  
As the SRA says little to define its social positions in its own words, perspectives from its critics may be more illustrative: Some religious figures and traditional leaders (including the [[Valosian Coscivians|King of the Valosians]]) have accused the SRA of "nurturing that Coscivian vice of [[moral compartmentalism]]", keeping immoral activities and countercultural ideas out of certain contexts and institutions, while sheltering them in others. Concrete examples cited by such critics include [[Gambling_in_Kiravia#Online_Gambling|carveouts in federal anti-gambling laws]] and some provincial SRA affiliates' latitude on issues such as pornography control and gender-neutral domestic partnerships. Many on the Kiravian Left desribe the SRA's cultural platform as enforced national-bourgeois conformity that indulges "luxury vice" while policing proletarian behaviour and ignoring the damage done to the social fabric of the working classes by liberalisation.  
Line 136: Line 136:
Since the separation of the [[Union of Democrats & Independents]], which removed many of the more latitudinarian elements from the SRA, the caucus has settled into a more thoroughly conservative ethos.  
Since the separation of the [[Union of Democrats & Independents]], which removed many of the more latitudinarian elements from the SRA, the caucus has settled into a more thoroughly conservative ethos.  


Since its founding as the Renaissance Party, the SRA has consistently supported ''dhiambrikorisēn'' ("nondistinctionism"), the idea that the various [[Tuva|Coscivian ethnosocial groups (''tuva'')]] and analogous minority communities should not have any corporate status before the law, and that the government should generally not identify or classify persons according to their ''tuva'', ethnicity, caste, clan, tribe, lineage, or sect.
From its founding as the Renaissance Party, the SRA has consistently adhered to ''dhianbrikorisēn'' ("nondistinctionism"), the idea that the various [[Tuva|Coscivian ethnosocial groups (''tuva'')]] (and analogous non-Coscivian communities) should not be recognised in law or accorded {{wp|group rights}}; that discrimination on the basis of ''tuva'', ethnicity, caste, clan, tribe, lineage, or sect should be prohibited; and that the civil authority should avoid classifying citizens according to their group affiliations. The realities of Kiravian society and the importance of ethno-social bloc voting at all levels of politics have limited the implementation of ''dhianbrikorisēn'' by any party. This contrasts with the corporatist AHC position that the factual importance of ''tuva'' et al. should be reflected in law and that the participation of ethno-social communities in civil society and the policy process should be welcomed; as well as with progressive advocacy for special consideration of disadvantaged communities.


On {{wp|language policy}}, the Renaissance Party was instrumental in ending Kirosocialist suppression of regional and ethnic Coscivian vernacular languages and Gaelic. The SRA has traced a middle path between monolingualism and multilingualism, supporting the continued use of [[Kiravic Coscivian]] as a nationwide ''lingua franca'' for inter-ethnic communication, business, and federal administration, while also expanding language access and welcoming the use of non-Kiravic vernaculars. However, within the caucus there are some who seek greater formalised status for the major vernacular languages at the federal level.
The Renaissance Party opposed caste-based discrimination, and under the influence of its [[United Allegiance Society]] faction it promoted the social integration of historically disadvantaged Coscivian castes, including the ''terdēkem'' ("outcastes") and ''olutrem'' ("village menials"). The SRA and its predecessors were involved in framing modern Kiravian anti-discrimination law, but have quashed proposals for caste-based affirmative action and stronger statutory bases for bringing discrimination claims to court. Many backward-caste voters consider the modern caucus beholden to forward-caste interests. 
 
The Renaissance Party opposed disabilities and prejudices reinforced by traditional Coscivian culture, such as ordogeniture and bastardy. It also ended proscriptions against inter-tuva marriage and imposed restrictions on bride price and/or dowry at the provincial level. The modern SRA does not oppose bride price or dowry, and generally supports retaining certain ancillary disadvantages associated with bastardy, such as in [[Kiravian nationality law|nationality law]].
 
Traditionalist critics allege that policies adopted by SRA-aligned governments with regard to taxation, civil registration, welfare policy, and housing policy have contributed to the nuclearisation of Kiravian families and the weakening of extended family networks.
 
===Language Policy===
The SRA's predecessors embraced multilingualism in the [[Kiravian Remnant]] and ended Kirosocialist suppression of vernacular languages after reunification. The SRA has traced a middle path between institutional monolingualism and multilingualism, supporting the continued use of [[Kiravic Coscivian]] as a nationwide ''lingua franca'' for inter-ethnic communication, business, and federal administration, while also expanding multilingual accommodation in government services, undertaking provincial localisation, and supporting vernacular broadcasting and literary development. However, within the caucus there are some who seek greater formalised status for the major vernacular languages at the federal level. There is a strong current within the SRA, based mainly in the Overseas Regions and natively Kiravic-speaking provinces, that advocates discontinuing use of Standard Kiravic (a legacy of Kirosocialism) in government communications in favour of Literary Kiravic. A smaller but significant camp within the caucus favour [[High Coscivian]] as a more ethnically and regionally neutral official language. Neither reform is politically feasible.
 
The SRA opposes cyclism.


==Electoral History==
==Electoral History==