National Power Party: Difference between revisions
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*{{wp|Urbanism}} and {{wp|cyclism}}. | *{{wp|Urbanism}} and {{wp|cyclism}}. | ||
*Administrative reforms to replace the [[Household registration in Kiravia|household registries]] and [[Passport system in the Kiravian Federacy|passport system]] with a single, compulsory {{wp|National ID}} in biometric card form. | *Administrative reforms to replace the [[Household registration in Kiravia|household registries]] and [[Passport system in the Kiravian Federacy|passport system]] with a single, compulsory {{wp|National ID}} in biometric card form. | ||
*Categorical naturalisation of [[Civil status in Kiravia#Meticship|metics]] and resident noncitizen [[Kiravian nationals]] and the elimination of these categories of | *Categorical naturalisation of [[Civil status in Kiravia#Meticship|metics]] and resident noncitizen [[Kiravian nationals]] and the elimination of these categories of {{wp|second-class citizenship}}. | ||
Foreign and Colonial policy: | Foreign and Colonial policy: |
Revision as of 16:24, 4 December 2024
National Power Party Plaiduv Ğudra'ārá | |
Emblem | |
States | Fariva, Æonaran states |
Headquarters | Mandrasar, Fariva |
National Commander | Írardus Sētespion |
Chief Political Officer | Marsellín Kótdivoir |
Platform | National liberalism Nolanism Humanitarianism Semi-presidentialism Soft Insularism factions: Liberal Restarkism Constitutional patriotism Civil libertarianism Historical: Restarkism (1949-1992) Soft Ultramarinism |
Voter Base | Metropolitan liberals |
Conferences | Multistate Democratic Convention |
Federal Caucus | non-inscrit |
Electoral Symbol | Lightning bolt |
Mandrasar City Council | 2 / 7
|
Federal Stanora | 0 / 545
|
The National Power Party (Coscivian: Plaiduv Ğudra'ārá) is a liberal unitary political party in the Kiravian Federacy. Originating in Æonara under the Kiravian Remnant, the correspondence committees that would form the skeleton of the NPP were made up of dissidents from the United Allegiance Society who had become critical of the conservatising Renaissance Party and the Remnant's political establishment generally, and who desired more substantive progress toward political liberalisation. The organisation operated legally but underground and under close state surveillance until the death of Prime Executive Kæśek in 1962, after which it came aboveground as the National Power Party and sought membership in the National Reunification Front, which it was denied. Although permitted to exist as part of civil society, the NPP could not contest elections until 1976. In the truly multiparty elections of that year, the NPP emerged as the largest party in the Stanora outside the NRF, in part because the established authorities preferred the NPP over the other leading opposition group, the Democratic Movement Party, and worked actively to shift opposition voters from the DMP to NPP. The NPP went through a period of irrelevancy after Kiravian Reunification; however, during this time it underwent a generational change in leadership and adopted a new platform. Following the collapse of the Kiravian Green Party and its Third Front alliance, the rejuvenated NPP was able to gather liberal voters previously attached to the Greens, enabling the Party to regain its national profile.
The contemporary NPP is has been described as a radical centrist party by international observers, on the grounds that it calls for relatively bold, even fundamental, institutional reforms, but is neither conservative nor socialist. Other observers (mostly right-leaning) consider it a centre-left party of the middle class, while still others (mostly left-leaning) characterise the party as centre-right in relation to capital. In Kiravia the Party is best known for its advocacy of human rights and humanitarianism, and is recognised as the leading proponent of the human rights conceptual framework in the country, though it is perceived as being more of a testimonial party than a potent political force due to its relatively narrow voter base and limited presence in provincial and federal legislatures.
Unusually for a liberal party, the contemporary NPP maintains a highly disciplined, paramilitary organisational structure with cadre assigned military ranks and donning political uniforms. Despite this, the Party has never had an armed wing or associated militia.
Platform
National Liberalism or Liberal Nationalism
The contemporary ideological mantle of the National Power Party is situated at the intersection of nationalism and liberalism, validly interpretable as either a national-liberal or liberal-nationalist line. The Party espouses nationalism as a necessary condition for a more free and individualistic society, contrasting nationalism with Coscivian corporatism (in which ethnosocial communities, castes, kinship groups, religious institutions, guilds, and traditional hierarchies govern the individual in addition to the State), parochialism (in which xyz), and imperialism (in which qwr).
The NPP's conception of Nationhood is entirely civic in nature. In the words of an influential founding member, Brigadier Rulon Æselméir, "the Kiravian Nation is not a proposition nor an ideal, but a factual reality. The most self-deluded sophist cannot deny that there exists a definite spatial realm and living population - a Kiravia and its Kiravians - constituted and bound to one another by historical and institutional processes and material relations, both those currently prevailing and the legacies of those past. The Kiravian Nation persists in spite of its present political schism, and the ill effects of the Nation's unnatural rending are not only deeply felt but concretely measurable." The Party's founders rejected the meta-ethnic Coscivian nationalism of the UAS: in their view, ethnic minorities formed part of the Nationality and deserved equality, whereas Coscivian populations long outside the modern Kiravian state (e.g. Mainland Coscivians, Hekuvian Coscivians) were plainly foreigners.[1] Similarly, they rejected territorial nationalism and irredentism (e.g. with respect to Wintergen). Though significantly indebted to the "civilisational" narratives employed by both the Renaissance Party and the Kirosocialists that defined Kiravia as a civilisation-state, the NPP departed from this also. Their ideologists credited the Coscivian peoples and Coscivian civilisation as central and indispensible to building the Kiravian Nation but refused, on classical Restarkist grounds, to identify any tradition, norm, or institution as essential to the National character. Indeed, the early members criticised state-sponsored projects of the time that aimed to articulate authentically and distinctively Coscivian answers to modern issues (e.g. Coscivian complementarism) and the use of these (allegedly ahistorical and contrived) ideas as bases for public policy. They argued that the survival, growth, and vitality of the Nation was not dependent on the persistence of any arbitrarily "indigenous" more to the exclusion of "imported" mores, pointing to navigation, stock-raising, Christianity, and [some Caphirian thing] as cultural imports that had strengthened National life. Thus, the relationship of Coscivian civilisation to the Kiravian Nation in NPP Thought was "foundational but not fundamental", and "Coscivianness" was not a valid obstacle to reform.[2] Nationalism in the NPP formulation is therefore supposèd to be culturally and demographically inclusive and and open to reform and the full exercise of democracy.[3]
Based on its conception of the Kiravian Nation, the NPP ardently supported national reunification. Its approach to reunification was more flexible than that of the Renaissance Party and its satellites who, until the 1960s, would accept nothing less than dissolution of the Kiravian Union and resumption of full authority over the Mainland by their own government. From its beginnings, the NPP was much more open to a diplomatic solution and to compromise with the KU. The Party justified its loyalty to the Remnant with the assessment that the Remnant was committed to reunification and seemingly (from 1945) to democratisation as well, rather than any appeal to legitimacy. It was thus willing to consider alternative scenarios, such as One Nation Two Systems, the Popular Sovereignty Federation, or formation of an entirely new, unified state. The NPP's commitment to reunification distinguished it from the other 1976-1985 liberal opposition party, the DMP, attracting tactical support from the establishment.
The NPP usually defines its nationalism in opposition to corporatism, parochialism, and imperialism; however, it also supports national sovereignty and has in the past defended the nation-state as morally superior to supranationalism, one-world government, and even liberal post-nationalism. While it has softened with respect to the latter since the 2010s and is now welcoming towards internationalism in matters such as human rights protection, in economic matters it continues to assert a preference for independent monetary policy and fixed exchange rates over free movement of capital.
Society & Culture
- Divorce by mutual agreement
- Civil unions fully equivalent to marriage
- Homosexuals allowed to serve openly in all branches of the Armed Forces.
Whereas the principle of loryavôntikor ārká ("religious neutrality of the state") has historically been understood in a largely communitarian sense as the civil equality of confessions and state non-interference in the affairs of religious institutions and the religious life of identifiable, organised communities, the National Power Party advances an understanding that focuses on individual rights, with or without reference to organised religious bodies.
In regard to education policy, the NPP has outlined a curricular model of National Education with heavy emphases on skills and citizenship, which it believes should be implemented primarily by a robust system of state schools while also requiring nonstate schools to comply with its core standards. The Party has opposed provincial legislation to charterise and/or voucherise public education and to extend voucher eligiblity to sectarian schools. National Command issued orders in 2009 stating that the Party accepts ecclesiastical and independent schools as part of the Kiravian education ecosystem.
The National Power Party has sought to avoid the sensitive area of language politics. Its 2025 gubernatorial candidate in Central Æonara was quoted as saying that "the status quo, for all its flaws, strikes a satisfactory balance between linguistic rights and national cohesion". Its National Education white paper states that primary education should provide linguistic minority students with a gentle but timely transition from "native language to community language", while intermediate education should combine "community language as the medium of instruction and the general language as a core subject" and secondary education should be in the medium of the "general language". The terms "community language" and "general language" are left undefined.
Economic and Fiscal Policy
The party is explicitly capitalist and rejects socialism, but does not have a systematic, ideological approach to economic issues. It is generally seen as more interventionist and redistributionist than the Federalist-Republicans, but less so than the Coscivian National Congress, Social Democrats, or the left wing of the Caritist Social Union, occupying the same general territory as the UDI or the right-wing of the CSU (though lacking the neo-corporatist mantle of the latter). The South Crona Morning Post has described the party's outlook as social-liberal.
Constitutional Reform
The National Power Party supports amending the Kiravian constitution to effect a change from the current presidential system to a semi-presidential system. Semipresidential systems are used by many Kiravian states. The NPP supported the [CURRENT YEAR] constitutional amendment to limit the Prime Executive to a single seven-year term, though it noted an openness to lifting the restriction if a semi-presidential system were to be adopted in the future.
Refuting accusations of Formicalism, the NPP has affirmed that it is in favour of the Marble Emperor's continued reign, calling His Marbliness "a unique and positive fixture of our constitutional framework that strengthens the cultural foundations supporting a rule-of-law state".
The NPP has called for the democratic reform or otherwise the abolition of upper houses of provincial legislatures that are designed on a corporatist basis or include members who hold their seats ex officio, by appointment, or by other mechanisms besides general election. Its opposition to university constituencies has not precluded it from contesting elections in such constituencies.
The NPP supports federalism, but would like Kiravian federalism to become more symmetric and for laws and policies enacted on the provincial level to become more harmonised and uniform. It professes that the framers of the current constitution intended for thematic federalism to be transitional and temporary, and that the Stanora has a constitutional mandate to bring South Kirav, the Overseas Regions, and Sarolasta to economic parity with the national core and encourage provinces in these themes to become part of the Inner Federation.
Miscellaneous
The National Power Party further advocates:
- Urbanism and cyclism.
- Administrative reforms to replace the household registries and passport system with a single, compulsory National ID in biometric card form.
- Categorical naturalisation of metics and resident noncitizen Kiravian nationals and the elimination of these categories of second-class citizenship.
Foreign and Colonial policy:
- In general: Cool with the concept of a pluricontinental and multicultural Nation. In favour of retaining most territories. Supports strengthening cohesion, facilitating integration, and progressively diminishing distinctions between the Federacy and Collectivity to the extent possible and democratically acceptable.
- Acknowledges the Melians as a distinct Nationality by rights, favourable to independence if sought.
- Acknowledges the Ardmori as a distinct but related Nationality by rights, okay with independence if sought but prefers for it to remain in the Federacy.
- Generally against minority ethnostates but okay with Thrakoslav autonomy or North-East Yerduran independence as solutions to the Sydonan question.
- Would allow independence for the less-Coscivised outer islands of Sarolasta if their populations democratically express a desire for such but prefers for them to remain in the Federacy.
- In re: Mid-Atrassic States:
- Speed up the process for extending full Responsible Gov't to the Southern Division
- KF must either commit to a plan for an equitable, human-rights-based settlement with respect to the Northern Division SAZs or let them go.
- In the latter case, KF should retain only the Southern Division, the contiguous coastal zones of Coscivian settlement, territories linking the preceding two, and the Chappaqui State (if democratically approved). Montitoba and Gatún Lake territories should be relinquished.
Electoral Showings
In federal elections, the NPP performed reasonably well in three of the four open Stanoral elections held by the Kiravian Remnant: 1976, 1979, and 1982, though 1976 would remain its all-time best result. All opposition parties fared poorly in 1985 on account of the NRF government securing Kiravian Reunification. The best post-reunification result for the National Power Party came in 2006.
Notes
- ↑ The position of independent South Cronan settler societies in relation to the Kiravian Nation was debated within the proto-NPP correspondence committees. Developing new arguments in service of old Pan-Coscivian visions, many claimed that the fission of the Cape Coscivians, Paulastrans, and Tierradorian Coscivians from the Kiravian Nation was not yet complete, and felt that some form of reunification among them would be desirable. Others disagreed, arguing that by the standards used to define the Kiravian Nation, the South Cronan diaspora had already definitively gone their own ways. The latter camp became ascendant well before the Party came aboveground, and their position became the party line.
- ↑ Their avowed openness to Occidental influence and independence from Coscivian tradition nonwithstanding, the NPP's theory of the Nation subsists entirely within the framework of Shaftonic process philosophy. This is even more apparent in the 'empire-becoming-nation' thesis developed my M.N. Velestin as a party cadre and later expanded upon by him in academia.
- ↑ The NPP and NTP share a similar concept of what the Nation is, though the NTP's version is more 'closed' and authoritarian.