Navidadian System

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The Navidadian System (Pelaxian: Sistema Navidadiano) was a system of institutionalised racial segregation that existed in Navidadia from 1943 and broadened and expanded to the entirety of the Delepasian Commonwealth from 1976 until it was dismantled after the Velvet Revolution of 1994. The Navidadian System was characterised by an authoritarian political culture based on democracia jefatura (boss-hood democracy), which ensured that Navidadia, and eventually Delepasia, was dominated politically, socially, and economically by the nation's Delepasians. In this supremacist system, there was social stratification, where Delepasians and Pelaxians had the highest status, followed by Cartadanians and Taineans, then the Loa. This system forced non-Delepasians to have very little political representation on the national level unless they have proven Pelaxian ancestry or have assimilated into the Delepasian culture so long as they have no proven Loa ancestry.

Broadly speaking, the Navidadian System was delineated into jefatura menor (lesser boss-hood), which entailed the segregation of public facilities and social events, and jefatura gran (greater boss-hood), which dictated housing and employment opportunities by race. The first law under the Navidadian System was the Blood Purity Act, 1944, followed closely by the Morality Preservation Act, 1945, which made it illegal for most Navidadian citizens to marry or pursue sexual relationships across racial lines. The Population Registry Act, 1945 classified all Navidadians into one of two racial groups based on appearance, known ancestry, socioeconomic status, and cultural lifestyle: "Loa", and "Delepasian", which was followed by two new classifications in 1976, complete with sub-classifications within them: "Cartadanian", and "Tainean". Places of residence were determined by racial classification. Between 1970 and 1993, many people of Loa ancestry were removed from their homes and forced into segregated neighbourhoods as a result of the Navidadian System, in some of the largest mass evictions in modern history. Most of these targeted removals were intended to restrict the Loa population to a designated "homeland" known as the Loaland protectorate (now Kalanatoa and Na'aturie), which was an internal protectorate of Delepasia. The government announced that relocated persons would lose their Delepasian citizenship as they were absorbed into Loaland.

The Navidadian System sparked significant international and domestic opposition, resulting in some of the most influential global social movements of the 20th Century. The Navidadian System was subject to frequent condemnation in the League of Nations and had brought about extensive international sanctions, most notably arms embargoes and economic sanctions on Delepasia. During the 1980s and 1990s, internal resistance to the Navidadian System became increasingly militant, prompting the Estado Social regime to embark on a highly costly and unpopular series of military campaigns in Loaland which led to protracted sectarian violence that left thousands dead or in detention. Nicolas Torres attempted some minor reforms of the Navidadian System by allowing the Cartadanians and Taineans to run for national office unconditionally, but these measures failed to appease most antigovernmental groups.

With the collapse of the Estado Social in 1996, the provisional government of Castedilia entered into bilateral negotiations with the leadership of Loaland, by this point an independent breakaway republic due to the civil war and were increasingly becoming more and more antigovernment, for Loa emancipation and representation. By February that same year, prominent Loa politicians were released from prison, the "Loa laws" were repealed on 18 August, and the Loa-majority states of Kalanatoa and Na'aturie were formed where the Loaland protectorate used to be.

In June 1998, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its report on Navidadian System repression.

Precursors

 
Sancho Abascal, first Navidadian president (1875-1891)

The Navidadian System's alternative name democracia jefatura (boss-hood democracy) was first recorded in 1902. It is used to refer to an authoritarian democracy where civil and political liberties are restricted to a "high culture" at the expense of the "low cultures" pending eventual assimilation into the former.

The hostilities between the Loa and the Delepasians began in the 18th Century when the Loa Empire conquered the three Romany Kingdoms in 1751, forcing the Romany to flee into the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas where they intermingled with the Pelaxian-speaking peoples and formed the basis of the Navidadians, a sub-group of what is now the Delepasians. The horror stories the Romany gave about the severe persecution they had faced under Loa rule had fueled a quasi-revanchist sentiment over what used to be the home of the Romany, a land that would one day become Navidadia.

After the Viceroyalty was dissolved in 1852, there was nothing to stop the future Navidadians from beginning to settle what they deemed to be their ancestral homeland. Despite initial resistance from the people already living in that area, the settlers pushed on, each day getting stronger and stronger as the Loa Empire became weaker and weaker due to internal strife before ultimately collapsing in 1875. With the lack of a central authority to push them back, the Delepasian settlers quickly conquered a sizeable portion of the northeast corner of the former Loa Empire, eventually establishing Navidadia a month later.

The first of the "Loa laws" were pieces of legislation which decreed that all ethnic Loa in Navidadia would need a pass to move about the country for any purpose, otherwise they are to remain in their hometowns regardless; sometimes this even extended to remaining in the same part of a settlement if it was large enough, and any Loa caught without a pass were to be put into indentured servitude. The process to obtain these passes was deliberately set up to be as bureaucratic and as difficult as possible, ensuring that a vast majority of Loa would be rejected. An additional law would decree that any prospective Loa immigrants are to be granted passes for the sole purpose of seeking work. These passes were generally issued to Loa who were the result of interracial marriages between a Loa and a Delepasian; other Loa were still forced to carry the old passes.

Through the rest of the 19th Century, the Navidadian legislature passed additional "Loa laws" to limit the freedom of unskilled workers, to increase the restrictions on indentured servants, and to regulate the relations between the races. Many professional sectors were quickly being taken over by Navidadians, further raising racial inequality between them and the Loa.

The Qualified Franchise Act of 1891 raised the property franchise qualification and added an educational element, disenfranchising a proportionate number of Navidadia's non-Delepasian voters, and the Tenancy Act of 1893 instigated by the government of Prime Minister Liberato del Bosque limited the amount of land Loa could hold, and in 1896 two additional pass laws were brought in requiring Loa to wear a badge. Only those employed by a master were permitted to remain on the Peseta, and those entering "labour districts" needed a special pass. In 1900, the Constitution of Navidadia had the line "the just predominance of the Delepasian race in Vallos is the founding principle of our fair domain" added to the preamble.

In 1905, the General Regulations Act denied the Loa the vote and limited them to certain fixed areas, and in 1906 the Navidadian Loa Affairs Commission under Marcelo Esteban began implementing a more openly segregationist policy towards the Loa. The Navidadia Act (1910) enfranchised the Delepasians, giving them complete political control over all other racial groups while removing the right of the Loa to sit in parliament; the Virgin Land Act (1912) prevented the Loa from buying land outside "reserves"; the Loa in Urban Areas Bill (1919) was designed to force the Loa into certain "locations"; the Urban Lands Act (1921) introduced residential segregation and provided cheap labour for industry led by Delepasians; the Mining Bar Act (1923) prevented Loa workers from practising skilled trades; the Loa Administration Act (1926) made the Navidadian Presidency rather than the Loa spiritual leaders the supreme head over all Loa affairs; the Loa Land and Trust Act (1932) complemented the 1912 Virgin Land Act and, in the same year, the Loa Representation Act removed previous Loa voters from the voters' roll and allowed them to elect three Delepasians into legislature.

The National Party government of Osvaldo Lopez began to move away from the rigid enforcement of segregationist laws during the Second Great War, but faced growing opposition from Delepasian exceptionalists who wanted stricter segregation. In 1938, the government established the Silva Commission. Amid fears that racial integration would eventually lead to racial assimilation, the Opposition United Navidadian Party established the Rubio Commission to investigate the effects of the National Party's policies. The commission concluded that integration would bring about a "total loss of personality" for all racial groups. The PNU incorporated the commission's findings into its campaign platform for the 1940 Navidadian general election, which it won.

Institution

1940 Election

Navidadia had allowed social custom and law to govern the consideration of multiracial affairs and of the allocation, in racial terms, of access to economic, social, and political status. Most Delepasians, regardless of their own differences, accepted the prevailing pattern. Nevertheless, by 1940 it remained apparent that there were gaps in the social structure, whether legislated or otherwise, concerning the rights and opportunities of the Loa. The rapid economic development of the Second Great War attracted Loa migrant workers in large numbers to chief industrial centres, where they had compensated for the wartime shortage of Delepasian labour. However, this escalated rate of Loa urbanisation went unrecognised by the Navidadian government, which had failed to accomodate the influx with parallel expansion in housing or social services. Overcrowding, increasing crime rates, and disillusionment resulted; urban Loa came to support a new generation of leaders influenced by the principles of self-determination and the ideals of popular freedoms. Loa political organisations and leaders began to demand political rights, land reform, and the right to unionise.

The Delepasians reacted negatively to the changes, allowing the United Navidadian Party to convince a large segment of the voting bloc that the impotence of the National Party in curtailing the evolving position of the Loa indicated that the organisation had fallen under the influence of subversive liberals. Many Delepasians resented what they perceived as disempowerment by an underpaid Loa workforce. Lopez, as a strong advocate of the idea of an intergovernmental organisation, lost domestic support when Navidadia was criticised for its racial bar.

 
Pablo Rosales, the mastermind behind the "Loa laws" and Navidadian president from 1953 to 1976

Delepasian exceptionalists proclaimed that they offered the voters a new policy to ensure continued Delepasian domination. This policy was initially expounded from a theory drafted by Pablo Rosales and was presented to the United Navidadian Party by the Rubio Commission. It called for a systemic effort to organise the relations, rights, and privileges of the races as officially defined through a series of legislative acts and administrative decrees. Segregation had thus far been pursued only in major matters, such as separate schools, and local society rather than law had been depended upon to enforce most separation; it should now be extended to everything. The commission's goal was to completely remove the Loa from areas designated for Delepasians, including cities, with the exception of temporary migrant labour. The Loa would then be encouraged to create their own political units in land reserved for them. The party gave this policy a name – Sistema Navidadiano. The Navidadian System was to be the basic ideological and practical foundation of Delepasian politics for the next quarter of a century.

The United Navidadian Party's election platform stressed that the Navidadian System would preserve a market for Delepasian employment in which the Loa could not compete. On the issues of Loa urbanisation, the regulation of Loa labour, influx control, social security, farm tariffs and Loa taxation, the National Party's policy remained contradictory and confused. Its traditional bases of support not only took mutually exclusive positions, but found themselves increasingly at odds with each other. Lopez's reluctance to consider foreign policy against the ongoing tensions of the Second Great War also stirred up discontent, while the exceptionalists promised to purge the state and public service of subversives.

First to desert the National Party were Delepasian farmers, who wished to see a change in influx control due to problems with squatters, as well as higher prices for their crops in the face of the mineowners' demand for cheap food policies. Always identified with the affluent and capitalist, the party also failed to appeal to its working class constituents.

Populist rhetoric allowed the United Navidadian Party to sweep many constituencies in the mining and industrial centres of Navidadia. The National Party was soon defeated in almost every rural district. Its urban losses also proved equally devastating. As the voting system was disproportionately weighted in favour of rural constituencies, the 1940 election catapulted the United Navidadian Party from a small minority party to a commanding position with a huge legislative lead. Orlando Salcedo became Navidadia's first exceptionalist prime minister, with the aim of implementing the philosophy behind the Navidadian System and silencing liberal opposition.

When the United Navidadian Party was sworn in in 1941, there were factional differences in the party about the implementation of systemic racial segregation. The "jefatura" (Delepasian domination or supremacist) faction, which was the dominant faction of the PNU, and state institutions, favoured systematic segregation, but also favoured the participation of the Loa in the economy with Loa labour controlled to advance the economic gains of the Delepasians. A second faction was the "purists", who believed in "vertical segregation", in which the Loa and Delepasians would be entirely separated, with the Loa living in reserves, with separate political and economic structures, which, they believed, would entail severe short-term pain, but would also lead to the independence of Navidadia from Loa labour in the long term. A third faction, which included Pablo Rosales, sympathised with the purists, but allowed for the use of Loa labour, while implementing the purist goal of vertical separation. Rosales would refer to this policy as a policy of "good neighbourliness" as a means of justifying such segregation.

Legislation

PNU leaders argued that Navidadia did not comprise a single nation, but was made up of two distinct racial groups: Delepasian, and Loa. The state passed laws that paved the way for jefatura gran, which was centred on separating races on a large scale, by compelling people to live in separate places defined by races. This strategy was in part adopted from the theories that formulated the basis of Delepasian exceptionalism after the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas was dissolved in 1852. This created the Loa-only "locations", where the Loa were relocated to their own towns. As the PNU government's minister of Loa affairs from 1945, Pablo Rosales had a significant role in crafting such laws, which led to him being regarded as the 'Architect of the Navidadian System'. In addition, jefatura menor laws were passed. The principal "Loa laws" were as follows.

The first jefatura gran law was the Population Registry Act of 1945, which formalised racial classification and introduced an identity card for all persons over the age of 18, specifying their racial group. Official teams or boards were established to come to a conclusion on those people whose race was unclear. This caused difficulty, especially for mixed-race people, separating their families when members were allocated different races.

The second pillar of jefatura gran was the Geographical Groups Act of 1945. Until then, most settlements had people of different races living side by side. This Act put an end to diverse areas and determined where one lived according to race. Each race was allotted its own area, which was used in later years as a basis of forced removal. The Farming Dignity Act of 1946 allowed the government to demolish Loa shanty town slums and forced Delepasian employers to pay for the construction of housing for those Loa workers who were permitted to reside in cities otherwise reserved for Delepasians. The Loa Laws Amendment Act, 1947 centralised and tightened pass laws so that the Loa could not stay in urban areas longer than 72 hours without a permit.

Blood Purity Act of 1944 prohibited marriage between persons of different races, and the Morality Preservation Act of 1945 made sexual relationships across racial lines a criminal offense.

Under the Separate Amenities Act of 1948, municipal grounds could be reserved for a particular race, creating, among other things, separate beaches, buses, hospitals, schools, and universities. Signboards such as "Delepasians only" applied to public areas, even including park benches. The Loa were provided with services greatly inferior to those of Delepasians.

Further laws had the aim of suppressing resistance, especially armed resistance, to the Navidadian System. The Suppression of Subversion Act of 1945 banned any and all parties that subscribed to anything less than the continuation of the Navidadian System. The act defined this subversion and its aims so sweepingly that anyone who opposed government policy risked being labelled as a subversive. Since the law specifically stated that liberal subversion aimed to disrupt racial harmony, it was frequently used to gag opposition to the Navidadian System. Disorderly gatherings were banned, as were certain organisations that were deemed threatening to the government. It also empowered the Ministry of Justice to impose banning orders.

After the Liberty Campaign, the government used the act for mass arrests and banning of leaders of dissent groups. After the release of the Defiance Charter, 250 leaders of these groups were charged in the 1951 Treason Trial. It established censorship of film, literature, and the media under the Excising of the Customs Act of 1950, and the State Secrets Act of 1951. The same year, the Loa Administration Act of 1951 allowed the government to banish certain Loa.

The Loa Authorities Act of 1946 created separate government structures for the Delepasians and the Loa and was the first piece of legislation to support the government's plan of separate development in the Loaland protectorate. The Loa Education Act of 1948 established a separate education system for the Loa emphasising their culture and vocational training under the Ministry of Loa Affairs and defunded most mission schools. The Encouragement of Loa Autonomy Act of 1954 entrenched the PNU policy of the nominally autonomous Loaland protectorate. So-called "self-governing Loa units" were proposed, which would have devolved administrative powers, with the promise later of autonomy and self-government. It also abolished the seats of Delepasian representatives of the Loa and removed from the rolls the few Loa still qualified to vote. The Loa Investments Act of 1954 set up a mechanism to transfer capital to Loaland to create employment there. Legislation of 1962 allowed the government to stop industrial development in "Delepasian" cities and redirect such development to "Loaland". The Loaland Citizenship Act of 1965 marked a new phase in the Loaland strategy. It changed the status of the Loa to citizens of Loaland. The aim was to ensure a demographic homogeneity of Delepasians within Navidadia by having Loaland achieve full independence.

Interracial contact in sport was frowned upon, but there were no segregatory sports laws.

The government tightened pass laws compelling the Loa to carry indentity documents, to prevent the immigration of the Loa from other countries. To reside in a city, the Loa had to be in employment there. Until 1951, women were for the most part excluded from these pass requirements, as attempts to introduce pass laws for women were met with fierce resistance.

Division among Delepasians

Before Navidadia became a part of Delepasia in 1976, politics among Delepasians was between the mainly pro-System Navidadians and the anti-System non-Navidadians. Once Delepasia was united after the Pact of Eighteen, Pablo Rosales, the last pre-unification Prime Minister, called for improved relations and greater accord between Delepasians. He claimed that the only difference between Navidadians and non-Navidadians was support for the Navidadian System. The division could no longer be based on politics, but rather between whether one is Delepasian or Loa.

The call for Delepasian unity worked as the Navidadian System was expanded to cover all of Delepasia, placing the Cartadanians and Taineans under their own racial classifications, but with far less restrictions placed over them than the restrictions placed over the Loa, often just having the sole restriction over them being cultural assimilation. The PNU merged into the Estado Social's National Renewal Party while the zombified National Party merged with the regime's puppet parties.

Loaland

With the establishment of Loaland, the government attempted to create a separate "homeland" for the Loa that would eventually develop into a "civilised" Loa nation-state. Unlike how Rosales intended, the Pascual privy council allowed for ethnic Delepasians to live in Loaland so long as they remained in special areas to keep them separate from the Loa.

Territorial separation was hardly a new institution, Navidadia had practiced this throughout its existence through the reservation of certains land for the Loa, a small amount relative to its total population, and generally in areas dominated by Delepasian firms. When Rosales became Prime Minister in 1953, the policy of "separate development" came into being, with the Loaland structure as one of its cornerstones. Rosales came to believe in the granting of independence to Loaland. The government justified its plans on the ostensible basis that "(the) government's policy is, therefore, not a policy of discrimination on the grounds of race or colour, but a policy of differentiation on the ground of nationhood, of different nations, granting to each self-determination within the borders of their homelands – hence this policy of separate development". Under this system, the Loa were no longer citizens of Navidadia, becoming citizens of Loaland who worked in Navidadia as foreign migrant labourers on temporary work permits. In 1954 the Encouragement of Loa Autonomy Act was passed, and border industries and Loa Investments were established to promote economic development and the provision of employment in or near Loaland. Many Loa who had never resided in Loaland were forcibly removed from the cities to Loaland.

The vision of a Navidadia, and eventually Delepasia, divided into multiple ethnostates appealed to the reform-minded Delepasian intelligentsia, and it provided a more coherent philosophical and moral framework for the policies of the PNU and the PRN, while also providing a veneer of intellectual respectability to the controversial policy of so-called democracia jefatura. Once Loaland was granted nominal independence in the 1980s, its designated citizens had their Delepasian citizenship revoked and replaced with Loaland citizenship. These people were then issued passports instead of passbooks. Before nominal independence, Loaland had had nominal autonomy which meant that even before nominal independence the Loa of Delepasia had their citizenships circumscribed, thus making them no longer being legally considered Delepasian. The governments of Navidadia and eventually Delepasia attempted to draw an equivalence between their view of the citizens of Loaland and the problems which other countries faced through entry of illegal immigrants

International recognition of the Loaland protectorate was severely limited, with Delepasia being the sole country to recognise their independence, even building an embassy in Loaland's capital. Nevertheless, internal organisations of many countries, as well as the Delepasian government, lobbied for their recognition.

The policy of "resettlement" was a major cornerstone of Loaland, forcing the Loa to move to Loaland. Millions of Loa were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programmes, labour tenants on Delepasian-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called "Loa stains" (Loa-owned land surrounded by Delepasian farms), the families of workers living in locations close to Loaland, and "surplus people" from urban areas.

Society during the Navidadian System

The PNU passed a string of legislation that became known as jefatura menor. The first of these was the Blood Purity Act of 1944, prohibiting marriage between Delepasians and people of other races. The Morality Preservation Act of 1945 forbade "unlawful racial intercourse" and "any immoral or indecent act" between a Delepasian and a Loa.

The Loa were forbidden from running businesses or professional practices in areas designated as "Delepasian Navidadia" unless they had a permit – such being granted only exceptionally. Without a permit, they were required to move to Loaland and set up businesses and practices there. Trains, hospitals and ambulances were segregated. Because of the smaller numbers of Delepasian patients and the fact that Delepasian doctors preferred to work in Delepasian hospitals, conditions in Delepasian hospitals were much better than those in often overcrowded and understaffed, significantly underfunded Loa hospitals. Residential areas were segregated and the Loa were allowed to live in Delepasian areas only if employed as a servant and even then only in servants' quarters. Loa were excluded from working in Delepasian areas, unless they had a pass. Only Loa with "pre-system" rights (those who had migrated to the cities before the Second Great War) were excluded from this provision. A pass was issued only to a Loa with approved work. Spouses and children had to be left behind in Loaland. A pass was issued for one magisterial district (usually one town) confining the holder to that area only. Being without a valid pass made a person subject to arrest and trial for being an illegal migrant. This was often followed by deportation to Loaland and prosecution of the employer for employing an illegal migrant. Police vans patrolled Delepasian areas to round up Loa without passes. The Loa were not allowed to employ Delepasians outside of Loaland.

This legally enforced segregation was reinforced through deliberate town planning measures, such as introducing natural, industrial and infrastructural buffer zones.

Although trade unions for Loa workers had existed since the early 20th Century, it was not until the Torres reforms that a mass Loa trade union movement developed.

Loaland could control its own education, health and police systems. Loa were not allowed to buy hard liquor. They were able to buy only state-produced poor quality beer (although this law was relaxed later). Public beaches, swimming pools, some pedestrian bridges, drive-in cinema parking spaces, graveyards, parks, and public toilets were segregated. Cinemas and theatres in Delepasian areas were not allowed to admit Loa people. There were practically no cinemas in Loaland. Most restaurants and hotels in Delepasian areas were not allowed to admit Loa except as staff. The Loa were prohibited from attending Delepasian churches, but this prohibition was never strictly enforced, thus making churches one of the few places races could mix without the interference of the law.

Conservatism

Alongside the Navidadian System, the PNU implemented a programme of social conservatism similar to that of the Estado Social. Pornography, gambling, and works from socialist thinkers were banned. Cinemas, shops selling alcohol and most other businesses were forbidden from opening on Sundays. Abortion, homosexuality, and sex education were also restricted; abortion was only legal in cases of rape or if the mother's life was threatened.

Television was not introduced in Navidadia until 1976 because the government feared that televisions were a corrupting influence. Television was racially segregated with channels geared to a Delepasian audience, and channels geared to a Loa audience.

Cartadanians and Taineans

Compared to the Loa, the Cartadanians and Taineans who lived in Delepasia faced far fewer restrictions on their civil and political rights. Often the only restriction was on the ability to run for national office unless they assimilate into Delepasian culture. The Torres reforms of the early 1990s would soon drop all restrictions placed on the Cartadanians and Taineans in an effort to make the Navidadian System more palatable, but it had failed to satiate antigovernmental forces.

Internal resistance and the Loaland campaigns

The Navidadian System sparked significant internal resistance. The government responded to a series of popular uprisings and protests with police brutality, which in turn increased local support for the armed resistance struggle. This internal resistance would soon lead to the rise of Loa liberationist groups in the 1980s, prompting the beginning of the Loaland campaigns.

Before the guerrilla movements, internal resistance against the Navidadian System started off with a series of strikes, boycotts, and civil disobedience which often ended in violent clashes with the authorities. These clashes continued to escalate as the decades rolled on before eventually leading to the rise of guerrilla movements.

The Loaland campaigns which resulted from these guerrilla movements were a series of unpopular and costly confrontations that drove Delepasia to international isolation. Many young males would dodge the draft by immigrating to other countries so as to avoid the risk of death in a war that they had no interest in fighting.

Delepasia would soon have to become creative in its ways to lessen the over-bloated military budget, with one decree making militia leaders full-fledged officers pending a short training programme, much to the chagrin of military academy graduates who felt that allowing militia leaders to easily move up in rank was cheapening the meritocratic system that the armed forces ran under, many of these enraged officers were younger than the Estado Social leadership, and often carried left-wing sympathies.

Later years

 
A crowd of people celebrating the end of the Estado Social in Santa Maria

During the 1980s the Delepasian government, led by the Estado Social regime, became increasingly preoccupied with the Loaland campaigns. It attempted to give Loaland more and more autonomy before eventually granting it nominal independence in hopes of quelling the guerrillas. The guerrillas refused to back down until the Navidadian System was dismantled, something which the highly exceptionalistic authoritarian regime refused to do. In government propaganda, fears of a "second Romany persecution" was played up, comparing the Loa guerrilla groups to the Loa Empire which had conquered the Romany kingdoms over two centuries prior. Massacres were becoming more and more commonplace, resulting in a priest from Anglei exposing the atrocities in the 1990s, thus bringing further condemnations against the increasingly outdated regime and the Navidadian System.

As the anti-Loa rhetoric within the government got worse and worse, so has resistance against the regime increased, resistance involving both Loa and Delepasians alike, the latter of which the result of exhaustion against an internationally-hated government that seemed to have no signs of changing its tune. In the military, a group of left-wing officers formed the clandestine Democratic Rebirth Society with the idea that, because of Nicolas Torres's indecision upon being blocked by the Pascualist stronghold, revolution was the only way to bring forth the changes need for Delepasia to make it to the year 2000 without collapsing outright, no matter the cost.

On 30 April 1994, members of the DR Society rose up against the Estado Social in a military coup. What was initially meant to be a military uprising aimed at reorganising the political structure and loosen much of the laws that had been the cornerstones of the Navidadian System soon became a popular revolution once tens of thousands of Delepasions spontaneously poured into the streets to celebrate the downfall of the regime and began to demand further change than what was initially hoped for. The transition to democracy and the end of the Navidadian System was an arduous process that put Delepasia into a state of a three-front civil war from 1994 until 1996 after conservative general Raul Quintero attempted to seize power, pitting the moderate socialist Velvetines against the orthodox Marxist Steelheads, and a coalition of counter-revolutionary Pascualist elements and pro-Quintero forces. During this time, Loaland and Navidadia unilaterally declared independence in June of 1994, the latter of which attempted to preserve the racial laws before it was ultimately overthrown in a popular revolt one month later and became what is now known as Independent Junu'urinia Ba'andasi, complete with a new flag to represent the end of the old system.

The Velvetines, after brokering an alliance with the Steelheads, eventually defeated the counter-revolutionary and conservative forces in early January 1996. The victorious revolutionaries began to negotiate with Loaland and Junu'urinia Ba'andasi, the former being split into the two Loa-majority states of Kalanatoa and Na'aturie with equal status to the other states of Castedilia, which now became a federal state instead of a unitary state. Other changes included the exoneration of any and all Loa who were arrested and detained for opposing the Navidadian System, the re-enfranchisement of Loa voters, and the reversal of the forced citizenship strippings. Junu'urinia Ba'andasi joined the nation shortly afterward and became the state of Junu'urinia Ba'andasi-Navidadia.

In 2001, Pablo Rosales made a public apology to the victims of the Navidadian System, "I apologise in my capacity as the mastermind behind the 'Loa laws' and as the head of the PNU to the millions of Loa who suffered the wrenching disruption of forced removals; who suffered the shame of being arrested for pass law offences; who over the past century had to suffer the indignities and humiliation of racial discrimination brought upon by a disgusting form of revanchism and exceptionalistic fairytales formulated by a grossly ignorant populace." In a video released after his death on 2022 at the age of 101, he apologised one last time for his major role in the Navidadian System, both on a personal level and in his capacity as the system's mastermind.

See also