|Commanders and leaders|
Mareşal Kâzım Çönay
|Casualties and losses|
The Quds War officially lasted from January 1st 1980 to December 29th 1982 but isolated resistance remained until February 19th, 1983. Combined coaltion forces under the command of joint Burgundian, Corummese and Kiravian forces with intergal support Kistani and other forces, such an alliance of grand scale hasn't been seen since the Great War.
According to world leaders at the time, the aim of the invasion was to remove the possession of WMD's from the Recepi military arsenal despite cordial evidence of the contrary. Although a combination of price fixing by Reçêpistan in response to oil workers strikes in [insert nation name] as much as 413% resulting to the 1981 Oil Shock until the result of sanctions against the Peace Committee ruling government curtailed the energy crisis to a degree while government forces crackdown unto the Sikh and Gypsy communities and Corummese migrant workers who threatened Peace Committee's power.
The initial objective was to stop the state's atrocities against minorities by aerial bombardment of major military installations but proved difficult due to dense anti-air systems and preparations from the government's part. This evaluated and greenlighted the ground invasion of Reçêpistan, much of the cover of the cost was paid by the nation's gold reserves, reserve currency and the occupation of the most industrialized area: today called North Corummese Republic.
The war was marked by increasing introduction of news station, an early experimentation of mass scale war correspondence.
- 1 Background
- 2 Opposing Forces
- 3 Early Campaign
- 4 Coalition landings into Recépi mainland
- 5 Surrender of Reçêpistan
- 6 Aftermath
- 7 See Also
Background[edit | edit source]
The People's National Party for Democracy had ruled the Republic of Reçêpistan since the late 1910's throughout the Great War until the late 1950's with absolute confidence from the majority of the citizens but the war had taken an enormous toll to the country's resources; both material and human. 3 separate foreign occupation periods and severe air & coastal bombings during the 1940's made large masses of the population to question the reason why the Republic remained loyal to its alliance with Caphiria when others easily switched sides to avoid reprisals and occupation.
Following the end of the war unto the Reconstruction era, aware of it's own responsibility for the continuation and commitment on the war effort and the enormous cost aftermath, the majority of party members decided to voluntary disband the party. In the last party speech, Prime Minister Isaak Ben Hurion stated "we collectivized the means of development, surmounted a class struggle by national discipline, moral rebirth and democracy as the conditions of socialism, a powerful popular army but to what cause my good people? Our people have suffered so much for so little... we did our duty standing by according to our alliance with Caphirians: our dignity and honor would never be intact but the memory of the people through their suffering is insufferable and it saddens me to say that I will disband the party and let democracy take a new shape as our people choose alas we would turn into a one party dictatorship; the very thing we believe against. " Ben Hurion grew up in humble circumstances, the son of a courtroom messenger, he knew poverty and went through a number of experiences that allowed him to understand and sympathize with the ordinary people and understood the suffering of a lost relative.
Although there were attempts by a minority of some politicians within the party to remain active it was to no avail. But little Ben Hurion knew at the time that the very decision caved the way for continuous change of government for short lengths with the longest hold 11 consecutive months. The concerns for the future of the democracy were perhaps entirely justified because, despite all the challenges the democratic regime was seriously in danger as "undemocratic" elements wanted to seize power for more than half a decade backed by foreign intelligence services. Near the eve of the assumption of power by the military, an unknown terrorist group plotted planting a series of explosive devices at mosques to spark a religious war between Samaritans and Alevis(both communities considered themselves the same people for centuries) but the conspirators were executed and information about the group remained classified; many decades later it was disclosed that it was a radical Levantine protestant group masked as communists and backed by rogue intelligence elements from newly formed Levantine Union, the elaborate scheme purpose was to trigger a sectarian war and a purge to left-wing elements and consolidate foreign elements unto Recépi politics but was kept classified to avoid a diplomatic and PR nightmare.
The point was, democracy was failing at it's most crucial moment of need. At April 8th 1964, President Zerya Shakasvilli called Chief of Staff Uday Nysra, a renowned war-hero, respected military(and diplomatic) figure internationally, chief architect behind the demobilization of the army after the Great War and of course an apolitical army officer to rule the country. However, the new constitution was followed by political turmoil in Reçêpistan as conspirators(politicized officers) under Air Marshal Mevlüt Güll intended to capture the fleet, which, according to their plans, played a key role in the success of their movement. Their aim was raising military forces recruiting former veterans who would be under their control. By controlling the fleet, the air force and re-mobilized rebel affliatted forces; they expected to do a quick work deposing the government and if the government did not surrender, they planned to "distact" the capital by air bombing campaign until they fully mobilized.
The coup fell apart in less than a week, for a group of their size it was quite surprising but the putchists didn't expect the Republican Guard remaining loyal to al-Nysra while in the meantime the government reacted quite dynamically by bombing instead Mevlüt Güll's HQ and killing most of his staff; effectively wiping out most of his senior command. Basically, the July Movement collapsed, which was due to the lack of strategic thinking from the conspirators part not anticipating al-Nysra's quick response and days later after the coup attempt a huge workers strike in the north paralyzed local putschist forces who were forced to be pinned in a two front war between government loyalist troops and sympathizing strikers.
Many putsches and other rebellions in similar fashion followed in quick succession in the coming months. The Ramadan Revolution, Jahmariyya Revolt, Sikh riots, Trikata Bush War, September Prison Riots, Octoberist Revolution, November 11th Student Riots and finally the Decemberist Putsch. Despite all odds, al-Nusry was able to remain in power but with his health deteriorating witnessing these events - all the while trying to convince the opposition parties agreeing to rule but no avail which would result in a long rule of a military regime backed by the legitimacy of elected politicians turning in a mere advisory body as technocrats and the army ruled.
Opposing Forces[edit | edit source]
Coalition Battle Plans & Order of Battle[edit | edit source]
Burgundie[edit | edit source]
Burgundie committed a total of 64,000 soldiers and marines to the Quds War over the duration of their involvement in the conflict. The force at any given time was never more than 40,000 strong, known as the 5th Combat Corps. 5th Corps was purpose-built for the Burgundian intervention. It was formed as an interdisciplinary unit of the 72nd International Response Division and the 9th Mobile Response Element (both made of various Metropole Forces, gendarme, and marine regiments). 5th Corps was commanded by Admiral Macdougal "MacAttaque" Fitzroy Cilgore.
The 72nd International Response Division was comprised primarily of marines, combat engineers, and provost gendarmes, who helped to establish beachheads, supply routes, and to pacify conquered areas after the initial invasion by coalition forces. The Marine VIII Armored and IV Amphibious Assault Regiments suffered heavy losses in the initial engagements but were able to establish a complete Mulberry harbour within a week of the landings, to the relief of the remainder of the Coalition. The 72nd remained further behind the frontlines, with the exception of the VII Mountain Engineer Battalion and the XXXII Marine Assault Pioneer Regiment, to perform clean up and riverine actions.
The 9th Mobile Response Element was brought up to Division strength for the Quds War.The airmobile assault capability was used to great effect. The various combat divisions consisted mostly of young, untested Metropole Force soldiers, who under the leadership of hardened Operation Kipling commanders were able to perform adequately. Their impact on the war was primarily psychological as their arrival was always heralded by loud operatic music as part of concerted PSYWAR operation.
Corumm[edit | edit source]
Corumm contributed an initial force of 100,000 men designated as the 5th Army, under the overall command of General Mao Daguo. A significant number of this force consisted of poorly trained conscripts that would fare badly in the conflict as Corummese military doctrine placed a low value on conscripts. The 5th army's loss of up to half of its combat strength in the first year of the war led to the deployment of the 9th Army to assist it, both would operate under the designation of 1st Army Group. This pushed the Corummese deployment to around 250,000 men. In later stages of the war, Corumm deployed chemical weapons to quickly achieve breakthroughs.
In mid 1982, the understrength 7th Army would be deployed to 'pacify' northern Recepistan, in contravention of previous agreements reached other members of the coalition. The 5th and 7th armies would eventually be merged together to form an occupation force of 100,000 men. Corummese forces would be accused of routinely abusing the civilian population. Equipment: fighter, bomber, "tank", "rifle"
Recépi Battle Plans & Order of Battle[edit | edit source]
The Recépis had not adequately prepared their forces for the war their junta leaders were spoiling for, at the beginning of the conflict, the leaders of the opposing sides had no clear understanding of the requirements for military effectiveness, or the difficulties their state would confront. The feeling was that any sufficiently number of exercising effective military command—a belief for which their armies would pay a heavy price in lives and treasure. As the war was drawing closer, the armed forces found themselves involved in desperate efforts to rapidly expand under pressure of overwhelming odds. Tragically, it seemed that it was too late as the obdurate ignorance of the senior leadership would substantially retract the effort of military professionals as they were small in number which would prove later into the war a huge problem.
The numbers had increased to a standing army of 250,000, they could field 4,500 tanks, around 400 combat aircraft, 300 combat helicopters and another 100 transport helicopters. Much of the equipment was either domestic outdated or foreign imported, the military was mostly used for the glorification of the regime and as an instrument of remaining in power but remained highly disciplined and well-equipped force--capable even of complex helicopter-borne or naval-borne assault like the commando raids as it showed in both Sydonas and Corumm itself.
Early Campaign[edit | edit source]
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Preliminary planning for a covert strike on coalition facilities and high-value targets(including civilian ones) but the scope of the Recépi Navy was limited due to obsolete naval assets, the newest being in service since the last stages of the Great War. To make matters worse, the Recépi Navy had suffered greatly during the army's expansion program in the late 70's when concurrently older Great War ships(most from late 30's).
During the short professionalization period of the armed forces into the PMF, the Special Undersea Regiment: the unit was top secret military formation. The SUR, was the only 'ace' of the Recépi Navy; the Peace Committee ordered Head of Intelligence Sholikeh Kopczynski and Read Admiral Idrees Majewski-Aamer to direct a top-secret operation against the fleet units stationed at Sydona. The realistic scope of the operation was to buy enough time for the Popular Mobilization Forces to prepare and dug-in into their positions and even threaten Corumm with ground invasion instead of risking war on the homefront.
Despite optimistic hopes for the success of the operation, it was common knowledge that the commandos would have immense difficulty remain undetected; let alone succeed on their mission due to the amassing amount of naval units and troops at anchor and patrolling. Several spies have been operating at Sydona during the operation as reconnaissance, falsifying reports of "light security" while in reality the 3 agents in charge were wasting government funds.
4 commando frogmen squads were assembled to conduct the sabotage mission, experts in explosive and underwater sabotage operation alongside with support with infiltration units. Travel was executed with 2 different ways; the majority of the commando squads arrived via submarine with extreme difficulty past the 'naval blockade' and part due to relaxation from the opposing naval forces, the other squad arrived on Sydonas as fishermen with forged identification papers. Police check failed to find the military-issued scuba diving equipment and the limpet mines for the operation. The operators since they were allowed independent initiative, decided to blow up the harbor as soon as possible due the intelligence service spies failed to show up as planned. There was heavy maritime presence as expected: especially for military purposes, in preparation for the upcoming invasion of Reçêpistan.
On the next day, the operation commenced but there were complications as one of the commando squads slept late the night before due to hangover the previous night and rushed towards the port but stopped at a police checkpoint. Police officers checked the trunk and without explanation the limpet mines detonated killing 11 people and injuring 49.
Early Coalition Air Operations[edit | edit source]
Since the end of the Great War, it became evident that next wars will evolve massive aerial bombardments not just of the 'frontlines' but deep behind enemy lines; particularly infrastructure, industry and large population centers. With bold use of chemical weapons during the war operations and advancement in deployment using air means instead of flammable canisters which prolonged and spread of the gas attacks while produced in massive scale led to revitalization of AA defenses since the country took a massive hit from aerial bombardments; especially in the late 1940's.
Air defense plans were undertaken after slow build-up under "Air-War Defense Update" program in late '69 through a serious of passive defense projects such as the construction of bomb shelters, reorganization of medevac personal, fire department support, provision of gas masks to the civilian population and above all else training programs in events of such attacks with combination of survival skills in case of government collapse or nuclear attack. During the AWDU program, funds were allocated on researching on better AA technology as it deemed insufficient to importing foreign blueprints which would make them difficult to use if need import of spare parts as lessons learned since the last war. The Skysweeper was developed, being the first weapon of it's kind combining a gun laying radar, directing analog computer and an autoloader with a single carriage although came at a time were surface-to-air missile weapons increasingly common.
The logic behind the development of such a gun was to economize important combat fit troopers and personel to more important posts while lesser quality conscripts brigade level could provide air cover for Corp-sized operation fields.
Scud Missiles response[edit | edit source]
At the outbreak of the war, Reçêpistan had a limited but effective ballistic missile fleet under the Strategic Rocket Force, a branch of the Air Force.
Coalition Beachead at Maǧījkriti[edit | edit source]
Following the Scud attacks the Coalition's decision to establish a land presence in Recepistan was immediate. It fell to Burgundie's 72nd International Response Division to clear the beachhead and establish a facility capable of disembarking the Coalition units with amphibious assault capabilities. Maǧījkriti was chosen as the island had been evacuated and the military presence seemed light. On the night of X a vanguard of the blerp Combat Engineer Company were parachuted just behind the beach. They started clearing the beach which was discovered to be full of booby traps and mines. The landing was delayed for two days as frogmen from the blerp Marine Amphibious Assault Pioneer Company were cautiously brought as close to shore as was safe and deployed. The move bought the remaining Recepi soldiers time to retreat from Maǧījkriti. Loses due to the complicated explosive contraptions devised by the Recepi forces were high. The Burgundian route clearance protocols had never encountered improvised explosive devices and toll was so great that once a route stable enough to get the Combat Engineers to the waters edge was cleared they were evacuated and a heavy naval bombardment of the beach took place. The element of surprise being totally lost the second attempt at a beach landing two days later was uncontested and uneventful. The Coalition Combat Engineers leveled out the beach in a matter of hours and started constructing a Mulberry harbor for the remainder of the forces. As combat troops cleared the island numerous additional complicated improvised minefields and traps were discovered resulting in a total loss to Coalition forces of 450 men to secure the deserted island.
Recépi raid attempts[edit | edit source]
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Coalition landings into Recépi mainland[edit | edit source]
Initial Countermeasures[edit | edit source]
Breach at south[edit | edit source]
Near the end of March of '81, Special Kiravian Naval Landing Units arrived to make a decisive landing into the Recépi mainland to end the war as swiftly as possible due commando counter-raids(in response to Recépi commando raids at Corumm) although unlike other marine units they were extremely well-trained, high quality troops with good morale and their tactics of surprising their enemies with amphibious attacks made them most effective troops for Operation: Guardianfall.
The Battle for Halam al-Fahma where the operation would occur would be the place the brunt of the fight of entire year would occur as Kiravian forces with support of Corummese paratroopers and Coalition naval presence conducted a daring night raid that would turn into a full blown naval landing that would overwhelm the Recépi defenders despite being supported by motorized infantry units.
The understrength 186th Infantry Division with support from elements of the 11th Support Artillery Regiment but reportedly having artillery munitions for only 36 hours of operations while soldiers receiving transfer to these units had problems with transit. General Efraim Haifa consider earlier coalition movements as bluff and didn't took sufficient preparations(although blame wasn't sufficiently his) and follow the quota preparing as many as "2000" emplacements in order to slow down any attempted landings until armored units arrive in the area.
SKNLU companies during the early raid had ambushed motor patrol during recon mission capturing 2 Bren Carriers using to approach a nearby outpost of 40 soldiers killing everyone with circulating rumors that Kiravian Marines are not taking prisoners whilst Burgundian commander Admiral Cilgore commenting the McDickuses "should restraint their men from their overwhelming enthusiasm". SKNLU companies rapidly advanced deeper into the mainland which surprised everyone and despite the confusion caused by the hurried mobilization and acute shortage of officers a company managed to fend off the marines from Al Teka hill with sniper fire and artillery support. The Kiravian marines responded by using armored vehicles to return fire only to lose 2 armored cars and a handful of APCs with minor casualties yet it alerted the 186th that the enemy has not only entered the mainland but probably made a solid foothold.
Total War[edit | edit source]
From late of '81 to mid of '82 saw the most intense fighting between the Recépi and Coalition Forces.
Following the Coalition landings in the greater Tilibloug area, Kistani 16th Armored Division was tasked by CSC(Coalition Supreme Command) on marching north unto Pomeralia; specifically the town of Odyzovka were an important railroad junction was centered where supplies coming from the northwest, in support of this operation was the Corummese 9th Cavalry(Motorized) Division which was secretly tasked breaking off formation and drive to the west in order to capture the important industrialized areas of Reçêpistan.
The basic problem was, due to the Oil Shock and the rapid oil prices there was a real pressure to conclude military operations as earliest as possible with little regard for the human losses. On the contrary from the Popular Mobilization Forces former partially manned divisions were becoming increasingly fully mobilized but more formations couldn't be raised due to severe lack of officers and the emphasis on quality of troops and fanaticism of the ordinary trooper. Against the joint Kistani and Corummese forces of roughly ~23,500 troops some ~5,000 PMF troopers with support from 2,000 People's Mojahedin militiamen were in charge of the area's defense against Operation Versatility.
On other theater of operations the Burgundian XXXII Marine Assault Pioneer Regiment were tasked of clearing out People's Mojahedin fighters outside of Salep at Kasarksyn Forest as previous failed attempts by the Corummese 2nd Battalion of the 3rd Infantry Division to cover the rear of the large scale attack to the north. The famed 7th Company under the command of First Lieutenant Fister Garvee with 2 machine gun squads destroyed major ammunition depot and leading to hundred of enemy guerilla fighters deaths. He was later inducted into the Order of the Meritous Angel for these actions. Despite part of the objective was also to establish a beachhead on the other side of the riverbead; lack of strategic reserves and severe exhaustion of the men led to the cancel of the operation. Finally a striking force under Colonel Zaey arrived via train lanes crushed in less than 18 hours local resistance opening the way for Kiravian mechanized forces to enter virtually unopposed into Salep as the majority of Recépi armored & artillery formations were rushing to slow down and eventually bog down Operation:Golgoth of the Corummese Army sacrificing other areas into Coalition hands.
Operation Fieldwork was therefore planned with two airborne divisions in mind capturing the oil fields around Ashkagbat and possibly prevent the entrenchment of tank forces from the PMF in the surrounding area. The operation was planned by lower officers at Salep supervised from CHC officers since the higher echelons were extremely pre-occupied with other tasks and leading important campaigns and operations elsewhere. Fieldwork was also more than just capturing important oilfields as it was key at disrupting hostile defenses in the sector by the seizure of key terrain by airborne attack, in order to achieve access in other fronts by collapsing an important transportation/supply hub. Operation Fieldwork would be the largest single-lift airborne operation conducted during the conflict; more significantly, it would contradict previous airborne operations since it would relatively short distance from reinforcements; the previous night a Kiravian anthrax attack would happen to the largest concentration of enemy troops. Losses of airborne troops were high. The cause of this high casualty rate can likely be traced to the fact that the operation was launched in first daylight, the airborne landings were conducted during the day primarily because the planners believed that a daytime operation had a better chance of success than at night, the troops being less scattered yet as much as ~30% of aircraft were hit from AA guns of various types with increased resolve from the defenders due to the anthrax attack the previous night.
A bigger contributing fact was also that at that stage of the war, PMF AA crews were at a high state of readiness & highly trained; many batteries had considerable combat experience in firing on and destroying at high speed, well-armed fighter jets, transport planes and bomber aircraft while under fire themselves.
Surrender of Reçêpistan[edit | edit source]
Instrument of Surrender[edit | edit source]
For the most part surrender was considered an unthinkable scenario surrendering by the Peace Committee fearing that a post-war occupation but a formal cease of use of arms happened at July 9th, 1982 but resistance will persist until late of the year with the Battle of Byžketen being the biggest one. Although the upcoming peace treaty had been signed and immediately ratified at Salep on behalf of the Interim Government; it didn't had alot of public support due to it's crushing terms to the people although most of it would be revised few monts later as Coalition members could not agree on the provision of the terms and how to uphold them. The biggest straw was the Corummese walking away of the conference and continiouing military operations on the north and the west against the PMF remnants.
The Interim Government full acknowledgement for responsibility of the war upon the Peace Committee and its militant arm: the Popular Mobilization Forces.
Dissolution & Confusion[edit | edit source]
During a prolonged discussion at his headquarters, Ahmed al-Kaboom ibn Prátaí expressed his doubt for how long would the Peace Committee and Reçêpistan's war effort would continue without the complete social collapse of the nation. In secret negotiations with the Corummese High Command, a special guarantee was given to the People's Mujaheddin; if they were willing to defect and put themselves under Corummese command they would be granted amnesty for their crimes and would be supported as the new elite of an established Corummese puppet regime, under sharia law. This would prove disastrous for future Recépi stability following the assassination of the Peace Committee and the destruction of several communication hubs that would contribute to the Interim's Government lack of legitimacy in the eyes of PMF remnants and most of the public.
Guidelines were issued by al-Kaboom unto the defections plans with forces steadily redeploy in order to neutralize PMF formations. Being increasingly optimistic of the downfall of the regime, he made unrealistic demands to slow down Burgundian and Kiravian forces on the south while withdrawing 3 'brigades' of fighters from the north with most of the available forces redeployed west in order to meet at Ulcra with remnant PMF commanders, ostensibly to "coordinate the war effort" despite pleas not to abandon the sector. The sweeping maneuvers originally caught intelligence forces on both sides by surprise yet PMF was unaware of the planned betrayal. al-Kaboom despite being decisive; had a weak grasp of military tactics. He ignored the vehement protests of his subordinates as to the technical and operative difficulties of moving large numbers of troops for the upcoming meeting. The PMF preparations against an coup therefore proceeded swiftly; detailed dispositions were issued to the subordinate commands, which in turn formulated detailed operative plans to act with speed and efficiency. The Mojahedin leadership with new Corummese military attachés only expected a weak resistance by the PMF as it counted on quickly resolving the situation and proceeding with prepared plans to to initiate the systematic destruction of factories and infrastructure of military importance in the south.
The strategic situation in western and northern Reçêpistan was much more favorable to the Recépi than in the south as the Coalition occupied and destroyed most pocket of resistance, although after the technocrats had taken effective control transferred into the Interim Government; the destruction of important communication hub(namely Felkniyyiha Tower) left most officers of the PMF to act on their own initiative ordering units to regroup north and considering the circumstances it was the wisest move at the time. Repeated attempts were made by officers to contact High Command either at Yfilat or Salep(the first was utterly destroyed by anthrax bombings and whereas the second had been captured by combined Coalition Forces) and even Kemet to no avail. The Interim Government had offered using their temporarily Provisional Provost Forces(mainly recruited from civilian volunteers with military training and even large numbers of former criminals) to link up and order these isolated units to surrender but they weren't allowed by Coalition command due to distrust at the PPF as very few POW PMF troops desired to joined the 'collaborators', this resulted the men remaining in internment camps and organized unto labour battalions: using them for reconstruction of the devastated land while other units disintegrated and dissolved but kept their weapons which would prove instrumental for the formation of the Free Banners many months later.
Uncertainty and ambivalent behavior of the Recépi superior officers favored a rapid Coalition success, alas al-Kaboom met with commanders mainly from the Republican Guards Division and battalions from various divisions. Originally the People's Mojahedin didn't anticipate a great force via bicycles, a large convoy of 4,000 men from various destroyed units were able to surprise and confuse both the Coalition forces and the People's Mojahedin as earlier the same day that convoy rescued after ambusing Corummese POW transfer preparing for the large scale invasion northwest. Unlike trucks and tanks, allowed quiet and flexible transport of thousands of troops needing not precious petroleum which would be allocated for best conditioned armored vehicles(while others quickly scrapped for parts, anticipating a long partisan campaign) bicycles were plentiful in the country to systematically confiscate bicycles from civilians and retailers proving a lifesaver as many individual soldiers wishing to continue fighting evaded captured while bring valuable intelligence reports; including about People's Mojahedin fighters sighted not fighting but collaborating with the Corummese but some commanders didn't believe them since it contradicted with other reports about fighting between the guerillas and other Coalition forces(oblivious of the in-fighting between them) and ordered mouths hushed, that didn't stopped some alerting their personnel to remain steadfast of possible treason. Another advantage the 'cyclists' brought was extra needed equipment due the vehicles allowed them bring double the authorized weight a soldier could carry, often successfully cutting along plantation and field roads picking said supplies. The consequence of the circumstance was, the People's Mojahedin anticipated betrayal wouldn't go as planned.
On late at night, al-Kaboom summoned the senior officers and their accompanying rabbis & imams for a discussion of "paramount importance". Originally the men had a normal discussion but when possible thoughts for surrender instigated a heated argument with making al-Kaboom wrongly presenting an explicit ultimatum ordering them to surrender their weapons to him immediately(also the muslim soldiers will be forced to join his ranks) or have them summarily executed on the spot; as these events were being unfolded outside, miscommunication along his men's ranks, a large amount of armed men surrounded the compound with the local guards responding by opening fire although the men quickly got overwhelmed and managed to kill a good score of officers revolving the solution of this crisis via violent means. Loudspeakers started broadcasting telling muslim soldiers to turn on their comrades reminding "their duty to Allah" to no avail, strengthening the unity of the soldiers. Awakened soldiers using as barracks de-commisioned sewers, bomb shelters and cellars, forcing the sluggish advancing forces to hold their ground as tanks and other armored vehicles would advance cautiously, often shooting buildings ahead of the accompanying infantry to clear them of possible defenders. The battle was clearly lost; it wasn't just a huge blunder for al-Kaboom and loss of prestige to the Corrummese would be forced taking the brunt of the fight against the remnant forces while it would also contribute to the massive expulsion of ethnic Lez(Recépis) from the northern industrialized parts of the country.
In other regions, some PMF units despite receiving the radio waves for the Instrument of Surrender refused to disband being mostly concerned with avoiding riots, devastation, and popular insurrections, refused the help civilians in support of the Interim Government. There were other cases of officers autonomously dissolving their units, and started negotiations for an uneventful handover; many of these troops would join the Free Banners and in some cases the future communist insurrectionist rebellion.
Recépi units in Pizrlich quickly disintegrated; as the high commands did not attempt any resistance, immediately handed over their weapons and surrendered with their units as soon as Kistani armored units entered the area. In the small port of al-Gulizia(or simply Gulizia) sailors had scuttled or sabotaged their ships as SKNLU forces started approaching the area. The small garrison tried in vain to defend the area for 48 hours until the Coscivian officer in charge threatened to use anthrax bombs to flush them out. The sailors were later organized to be transferred for deportation at Sydona for reconstruction projects on foot until moving via ships to the islands.
At the city of Fuma, elements of the heavily depleted 9th Army Group surrendered without a fight fearing reprisals by Coalition forces. Initially Provisional Provost Forces had approached the city, civilians acting representatives between the groups proved fruitless as the General Sacha Gyllenhaal abandoned without orders refused to surrender to 'criminal elements' of the PPF forcing them out of the city via violent means thanks to overwhelming force of arms. Hours later, arrived via helicopter General McDickus mediated the surrender of the 9th Army Group to Kiravian elements instead: a sizable booty was captured that included ~300 IFVs & APCs, more than a 1,000 field guns, 536 anti-tank guns, ~800 anti-aircraft guns, 7,622 machine guns and ~400,000 rifles. A good amount of this equipment will be sold post war to solve the country's massive economic problems, only the best conditioned would be spared for post-war use.
Taking advantage of the disintegration of the Recépi armed forces, Burgundian forces swiftly captured the Derulo Munitions Factory; using it to produce artillery ammunition, sent to Bulkh forces in Punth as token of support to their anti-communist insurgency. Local forces dispersed and encouraged to go back to their homes. It was reported the local bank treasury being ransacked by broken soldiers but it was found out years later, Burgundian soldiers connected with mafia groups made the bank robbery.
Therefore, Coaltion forces launched a series of operations aimed at capturing the most important areas since they enjoyed high mobility with a sizable concentration of land and air forces. These operations caused some bloody battles against the local garrisons and atrocities after surrender. Some of them out of desperation fearing Corrummese and in some cases Kiravians capturing the most important in economic terms areas. Many tragic events took place as commanders waited for clear orders not taking action, the lack of compliance with hostility and after the surrender many soldiers thrown to ditches and executed or in other cases loaded in boats with orders to be sunked so evidence cannot be found.
The sudden and complete collapse of the Peace Committee alongside with it's war machine was mainly caused by the mistakes made by the political and military leadership, the unrealism of their initiatives, misunderstanding about the real consistence.
Coalition In-fighting[edit | edit source]
Burg sees Corumms occupation of North Corumm as unacceptable under the terms of the instrument of surrender, since Corumm refuses to recognize the reintroduction of legation cities in Recep for the “duration of the return of economic and governmental stability.”
Aftermath[edit | edit source]
The war had a profound consequence on millions of Recépi nationals, the country was utterly destroyed by the large scale instance combat that had occurred in the entire war, thousands of bombs dropped in major urban centers killing thousand of civilians with as many as 200,000 permanently. Most catastrophic was the loss of young workforce; despite measures taken to include as many women intro the armed forces, as well not very young people as the memory of the Great War was still vivid. Reportedly people from 21 to 35 were the majority of the rank and file serving in the PMF forces although the losses were staggering up to 27% KIA excluded people dying in the internment camps or on the labor battalions by exhaustion.
The social disruption and widespread violence occurred from the chaotic wartime conditions led to diseases flourishing as food shortages and malnutrition that weakened the immune system of many people led death and sickness by famine. Diseases like malaria which had been extinct for decades inside the country gained a sharp increase(as many as 20 thousand), 100,000 dying from famine at the early stages but thanks to amassing food supplies gathered by citizens of the United Kingdom of Great Helvianir and Rhodennir under His Majesty's Royal Cross predicting saving 4 to 17 million lives from further famine deaths. As many dead bodies remained unburried for many weeks and even months throughout the war, it is reported as many 200,000 people died from typhus epidemics promptly the occupation authorities and their collaborators organize large scale cremations and burials to avoid further deaths and it was widely speculated many war crimes had been covered up using as an excuse cleansing local areas from dangers of influenza breakouts.
The pre-war policy of minority prosecution was seen as counterproductive, large numbers of these unprotected minorities suffered equally especially during the anthrax aerial bombings and war crimes unto civilians. Initially only a few hundred prominent individuals would have received equal citizenship but escalating support from all political spectrums(even from PMF veterans) would speed up the process until the end of the decade.
The illegal occupation of northern Reçêpistan by the Corrummese Army was considered as ethnic cleansing by both the Interim Government and by fellow Coalition powers as mass deportations and executions was the daily norm during the closing months of the confluct. Systematic genocide(both in terms of deportation and executions) of the population was portrayed deliberately provoking acts - such as sabotage of rail lines—as illegal and immoral, and shot the offenders and burned buildings in retaliation. In addition, they tended to suspect that most civilians were potential guerrillas and, accordingly, took and sometimes killed hostages from among the civilian population leading to futher rebellions which in the end justified further extermination. Although policies changed when the People's Mojahedin actively collaborating and changing even their own manifesto from Marxism with progressive liberal Islamic tenets to that of wahabbist Sunni separatism while many Corrummese migrant workers(many had adopted that strict form of Islam after staying for decades inside the country) joined their ranks actively collaborating against any form of resistance while purging their own ranks as well. The idea to expel the ethnic Recépis was considered as immoral and disgusting by political circles at the time although the world eyes centered to the Punthite Wars not knowing the reprisals against the civilian population on the north.
The economic consequences of the occupation were severe with lost all its major trading partners the moment it was occupied for the lost import and export business with production capacity also affected, the Coalition forces confiscated a very large part of the output leaving little available to the public. Combined with a general drop in productivity the general reality forced the public being confronted with scarcity of basic commodities, including food; hence the famine losses. Many, if not most, citizens started growing their own crops and keeping their own livestock. City parks were divided among inhabitants, who grew potatoes, cabbage, and other hardy vegetables. People kept goats, rabbits, chicken and other poultry in their houses and out-buildings. Fishing and hunting became more widespread. Gray and black market provided for flow of goods while trading sub-standard food products(rationed food) for a wide variety of purposes.
What was most damaging for Reçêpistan in the long run contributed to the slower post-war recovery and the long-term effects of the Salep Stagnation. It was both an economic but also a political stagnation as corruption skyrocketed as the "democratic government" tried to appease foreign interests by implementing large scale legal reforms in order to become one of the freest economies in the world.
With the war having turned decisively against the nation and it's crushing peace terms that would dominate for the politics for the decades to come would lead socialist revolution which led to the brief establishment of a number of communist political systems in (mainly urban) parts of the country. The destruction of the country was devastating in mostly on the south but not on the north; the occupation and formation of NCR made the Reconstruction Era tenfold times harder due to the lack of a large industry unlike before but a contributing fact that helped the country immensely to recover was the allowance by foreign powers to sell most of the weaponry(by both sides) that was left over after the war to third parties which would fund various projects and from 1997 to 2001 and lesser extent at 2004 the funding by foreign private and public enteprice of green projects.