User:Kir/Vape Dojo

Inkuv

In countries of Coscivian heritage, an inkuv is a type of way station along a roadway. The inkuv originated during the First Coscivian Empire as a feature of the First Empire's Verticalist economic system, which required infrastructural innovations such as well-maintained overland roadways to facilitate the state-directed redistribution of goods and labour.

Many cities and towns have grown out from an inkuv as their nucleus.

The constitution of the Confederal Republics of Kirav explicitly granted the confederal government authority to build inkuya along postal and defence roads. This authority was retained under subsequent Kiravian constitutions and remains today, although modern inkuya along the interstate highways are owned and maintained by individual federal subjects.

In modern Kiravia, an inkuv is a highway rest stop or travel plaza, though often with features and amenities that hearken back to earlier inkuya. Inkuya along modern Kiravian interstate highways typically include a small nondenominational chapel.

Demomap

Demomap (Kiravic: Demomāv gen. Demomapsk, High Coscivian: Demomaṿra) is an indeterminate location of interest to Coscivian prehistory and dark philology, with great significance to reconstructing the chronology of the peopling of Great Kirav. It is a recurring element in Coscivian traditional histories and mythologies, and features prominently in the origin myths and oral histories of numerous Kiravian ethnic groups, many of whom hold Demomap to have been their ancestral homeland.

The name Demomap is also used in modern academia to refer to the point of origin for the Mesolithic, non-Levanto-Sarpic migrants from Levantia to Great Kirav who contributed [haplotype] to the Kiravian gene pool. In this context, Demomap is merely an artful term of convenience, and scientists stress that Y-Chromosomal Demomap may or may not bear any relation to the literary/traditional Demomap.

The questions of where and when Demomap is have vexed Coscivian scholars for hundreds of years, and the modern scientific quest for the "historical Demomap" has been fraught with ambiguities and complications.

According to Dr. Jumbuck Jones, Y-Chromosomal Demomap was probably located (wholly or primarily) on the territory of modern-day Faneria.

Demomap is often used in idiomatic expressions by Kiravians. For example, a

Xides é rædur skúl? - "Where's your brother?"
Des Demomav. - "Where Demomap?"

Things named after Demomap:
-A space shuttle
-Several counties
-A vacation resort
-A casino in Paulastra probably

Red Cravats

Red Cravats (Kiravic: Hūrithratśikya) are an electoral-demographic segment or political subculture in Kiravia typified as university-educated middle-class professionals with a strong affinity for Kirosocialist politics and the legacy of the Kiravian Union. For most Red Cravats, these sensibilities are received as family tradition and reinforced by participation in educational and social institutions that conserve Kiravian Union-era Red Culture. Red Cravats marry one another more often than not, and are considered by some to constitute a neo-tuva. The Red Cravats should be distinguished from the perhaps more internationally familiar phenomenon of affluent and educated people in post-industrial nations who incline toward social-democratic or New Left politics, from whom the Red Cravats differ in a number of important respects.

The "founding generation" of Red Cravats mostly held white-collar bureaucratic, scientific-technical, and academic positions at the time of Kiravian reunification in the mid-1980s, usually employed in the state or party apparatus or other public undertakings such as state universities, hospitals, laboratories, pedagogy, or industrial enterprises. Most such people had grown up during the more optimistic early-middle phase of Kirosocialist rule, after the ouster of the Devinist hardliners in the Swimming Pool Coup and before the stagnation and mounting dysfunction of Peak Kirosocialism. Mainly from proletarian or agrarian backgrounds, they were beneficiaries of the Kiravian Union's successful effort to make higher education accessible to the the working class. After reunification they faced the effects of privatisation and decommunisation, facing job losses and job insecurity, salary and benefit reductions, and a loss of social position and prestige, marking them with lifelong resentment against the reunified government and its leading parties, and solidifying a nostalgia for the Kiravian Union that they would inculcate into their children. Even through a fair number of first-generation Cravats would go on to succeed in the private sector during the Kiravian economy's eventual rebound and most were able to maintain a middle-class lifestyle, their political inclinations and attachment to Kirosocialist institutions and mores would endure.

Red Cravats currently in the workforce are second- or third-generation, coming of age after the collapse of the Kiravian Union. Academically high-achieving, they tend to pursue careers in the professions or scientific research, and avoid the "bourgeois" (business, management, finance) or "parasitic" (communications, arts, psychology) fields to which many of their peers are attracted. Most of the second generation were educated at first-tier state universities or the agricultural-mineral universities; third-generation Red Cravats are more open to well-regarded private institutions than their parents had been. Whereas the founding generation of Cravats had been public employees, few of their descendants take federal jobs and many claim to be discriminated against in government hiring on the basis of their ancestry and political orientation.

Some who study the Red Cravats believe that their recension of Red Culture represents a post-reunification revival rather than a direct continuation, arguing that many of the customs, rituals, and symbols now characteristic of the Red Cravat community were out-of-fashion by the 1980s or had never attracted a mass following in the first place, and were instead adopted by opponents of liberalisation as protest symbols and group identity markers after the Union itself had gone. Indeed, the anthropologist Æmilius Pektravir, known for his immersive observation of the Red Cravat community in the Eriadun metropolitan area, notes that "in these circles there are some elders whose Red credentials are well-documented from the [1960s AD] and whose ideological fervour burns as an eternal flame uninterrupted by the events of [1985]. There are perhaps just as many, especially in the more technical occupations, who had not been Party members and might be described as "reactionary socialists", latecomers to the cause who boarded the train only after it had derailed."

Red Cravats are quite active in civil society.

A defining characteristic of the Red Cravats is their unwavering support of the Popular Democratic Front and its predecessors, the People's Front and People's Alliance. Many from the community are actively involved in PDF-affiliated parties and campaigns at the state and local level. First- and second-generation Cravats are mostly associated with the hardline, nostalgia-driven "dark red" current within the PDF, while third-generation Cravats typify the "bright red" current, which presents itself as more pragmatic and forward-looking while promoting Red Culture and rejecting social democracy. M.K. Stornoğuvin, the popular PDF mayor of Denisar and leading exponent of "bright red" politics, has been described by the press as a second-generation Red Cravat.

Formal writing about the Red Cravat phenomenon invariably includes the caveat that Red Cravats do not have a clear group identity and that they generally take offence at the suggestion that they form a distinct group or new class within the Socialist pillar. They are even more hostile to the suggestion that they consciously consider educational qualifications and class background when choosing whom to marry. Members of the category usually perceive the term 'Red Cravat' as an outsiders' appellation and moderately derogatory, though some use it themselves in a jocular fashion. Responding to Kalergin's citation of Red Cravats as an example of a neo-tuva, Pektravir accepts that the group has the potential to become a tuva-like community in the future, whereas Ilarduv rejects the characterisation entirely, claiming that "endogamy among the Cravats is demonstrably not a remanifestation of tuva...the phenomenon of comfortable, highly-educated, and strongly partisan persons cleaving to partners of the same status and persuasion is universal, and the Cravats are but a peculiar instance."

The geographic distribution of Red Cravats can be approximated by analysis of data from political polls that survey voting preferences and demographic characteristics. A 2018 study by Ilarduv operationalises 'Red Cravat' as holding Degree II or higher, earning a household income of ◇X00,000 or more per annum, and voting "always" or "almost always" for PDF-pledged candidates in elections to the Federal Stanora. He finds that such people live mostly in the urban-core and inner-suburban rings of major metropolitan areas, as well as micropolitan cities - especially Union-era scientific centres and public university college towns. Most live in the Kiravic-speaking states, Upper Kirav, Central Kirav, or Andera. Few live in the South; a non-negligible number live in micropolitan Farravonia, but Ilarduv discounts the bulk of these as partisans of the Catholic socialist wing of the PDF and not related to the Red Cravat phenomenon. Sydona and regions outside of the former Kiravian Union were not studied.

Duties of the Federal Subjects

• Regular convocation of a deliberative body to exercise the rights, duties, and functions assigned to state legislatures under this Constitution (incumbent upon states only).
• Maintenance of a well-regulated militia to be made available for the defence of the Federacy
• Maintenance of a system of household registration

High Coscivian

High Coscivian
Itiarona
Region	Coscivian Empire
Native speakers	Less than 1,000
Language family	Cosco-Adratic Kasavic-Koskan Varakoskan Southern Carolina North Carolina Whole Hog High Coscivian
Standard forms	Classical Coscivian Ecclesiastical Coscivian Traditional-Regular Modern-Reform
Writing system	Coscivian script
Official status
Official language in	[Some shithole] [Some other shithole] [Sicily]
Language codes
ISO 639-3	–

High Coscivian is the classical language of Coscivian civilisation.

Origins

To say that the exact nature, historical origins, and genealogical classification of High Coscivian have been hotly debated since the dawn of historical linguistics would be the understatement of the petrasēga. More than one war has been fought over this topic.

Excepting a few fringe holdouts hidden in the classics departments of third-tier state colleges in backwater inland provinces, Coscivian and Occidental scholars agree that High Coscivian is a Trans-Kiravian language and must be considered a primary branch of the Trans-Kiravian family in the absence of any known direct ancestors. The long-extinct Sʑvoʎatellic language, which is only sparsely attested, is accepted to be its sister language and closest known relative.

There exists a somewhat esoteric debate among Dark Philologists as to whether High Coscivian developed from a spoken natural language or was constructed ab initio as a ritual language. The use of contrived languages for ceremonial and religious purposes was not uncommon among ancient Kiravian peoples, and continues today in some Urom tribes. The (now asemic) ritual incantations used by paopatra practitioners are another possible analogue. A perhaps more plausible theory than the ancient conlang thesis is that the liturgical High Coscivian of ritual chants upon which the literary language was based contained elements of a contrived initiatory ritual language integrated into a polished register of the natural spoken language.

Phases:
Old High Coscivian - From earliest times to [whatever marks classical era]
Classical Coscivian - Yes
Imperial Coscivian - From the Xth Empire until the Kilikas Enlightenment. Subdivided into Living Imperial (until the spoken correlate of High Coscivian presumably died out) and Zombie Imperial (purely literary phase thereafter).
Modern High Coscivian - Since Kilikas Enlightenment.

Written Registers

Classical + Neoclassical
Ecclesiastical (Slight differences between Orthodox and Catholic recensions)

Traditional-Regular-Conservative family
Reform-Modern-Open family
Irregular/Regional/Specialised written forms

Descendants

The spoken form of High Coscivian would evolve to the point of diglossia with the written language into a tongue retronymously dubbed General Costratic by linguists. During the Postclassic, General Costratic would dissolve into a dialect continuüm that would give rise to the modern Costratic languages, including Paisonic Coscivian, Valosian Coscivian, Sidereal Coscivian, and others.

Lexicon

Archæic stratum: Adratic, Cyptovian; more sparsely/speculative Odoneran, others? Ancient/Classical loan stratum: Iavthei Coscivian/Ancient Eskean Coscivian, Thygiastran Coscivian, Stairovic Coscivian, Cyptovian. Shaftonic coinages also in this stratum yeah.

Postclassical/Imperial Stratum More new coinages, more recherché pretentious coinages and constructions, more loands soaked up from vernacular languages. Influence of Christian literature: Translation challenges, calques, loans from Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Gaelic.

Modern Stratum: Varies by register. Neoclassicists loans to the maximal extent possible, also many words of later coinage and "post-classical spirit". Even try to avoid borrowing proper names to a significant extent. Traditional/Conservative/Regular writing is less purist but still avoids neologisms. Reform/Modern writing is more open to neologisms, reïmports/elevations, and does not bother with continuity of spirit so much. Lib writing kinda does whatever it wants.

Modern Use

Academia

[Scholarly writing, Higher education, Shaftonist scholarship, Scientific and technical applications, Diplomas, Classical Universities]

Religion

[Liturgical language of the Coscivian Orthodox and Coscivian Catholic churches. Probably also Coscivian religions, right?]

Law & Government

[Law, Gov't documents, Imperial ceremonies, Household registers]

Modern Literature

[Modern literature]

Other

[Mottos, maxims, proverbs]
Ornamental use.

Education

High Coscivian is a required subject in most academic (college-oriented) secondary schools. At elite high schools, vernacular language, literature, and composition are dispensed with entirely, in favour of exclusive study of High Coscivian.

Catholic and Orthodox Sunday schools also teach the basics of High Coscivian so that children can learn to understand the liturgy.

High Modern revivalist movements in the Renaissance Party and their status today.

Translingual Applications

[As a Translation Matrix/Interlingual applications/Linguistic neutrality]
High Coscivian is regularly employed as a matrix for the translation between Coscivian vernacular languages. As all literary languages in the Coscivian cultural sphere have been translating texts both to and from High Coscivian and have well-established paradigms for doing so, filtering text through High Coscivian during the translation process is found to improve accuracy, reduce ambiguity, and improve the syntactic and stylistic quality of translations.

Sarolasta

[In Sarolasta]
Somewhat surprisingly, given the archipelago's remoteness from the traditional lands of the Coscivian Empire and the mostly Austronesian ancestry of its population, contemporary use of High Coscivian is especially vigorous in Sarolasta. Sarolasta is home to X indigenous Austronesian languages, and no one vernacular language predominated among the Coscivian colonists in the Sarolastan islands - Kalvertan, Kiravic, Hekko-Southern, Maritime Coscivian, Paisonic, Lusan, Kerēgulan, and others were used in one settlement or another. The centrality of the Coscivian Catholic Church as a religious and cultural institution and the main provider of education in Sarolasta engendered the proliferation of High Coscivian as the primary medium for interethnic formal communication and publishing. Sarolasta has four High Coscivian daily newspapers, whereas Great Kirav only has one.

Native Speakers and Speech Community

For [a very long time] High Coscivian has subsisted primarily in writing.

The Eight Highfalutin Lineages (High Coscivian: Name here namehere) are noble patrilines dating verifiably from the [Last iteration of the] Empire (and unverifiably claiming descent much further back than this) who conserve High Coscivian as their native tongue and home language. With an enumerated population of 612, they are among the smallest Coscivian ethnic groups recognised by the Kiravian Census. Although the Eight Lineages claim to preserve an unbroken chain of native speakers reaching back to time immemorial, most scholars believe that no spoken language mutually intelligible with Classical Coscivian survived past [ERA], and that the ecolects spoken among the Eight Lineages appear to be derived from the postclassical written High Coscivian of the [Xth] Empire, and were probably acquired by their progenitors during this era.

Scattered instances of native High Coscivian speakers exist outside of the Eight Lineages. Of verified cases, none are the product of sustained intergenerational transmission, and in most the extent to which High Coscivian is used as a home language is less than advertised.

Beyond the miniscule number of native speakers, there exists a much larger contemporary speech community made up of second-language speakers using the language orally. [contexts in which?]

Statistics

How many Kiravians have...? - Some knowledge? - Elementary command? - Intermediate command? - Strong command? - Full fluency? - Intermediate/Strong in college but since got rusty?

Knowledge of High Coscivian correlates with education level, caste, class. Ethnic groups speaking languages descended from Imperial Coscivian pick it up better, obvi.

Stuff in High Coscivian

• Great Law Chant
• Coscivian Book of the Dead
• Kiravian Constitution and Statute of Liberties
• Thousand and One Greentexts
• Analects of Shafto the Wise

Colour Wars

The Colour Wars were series of low- to medium-intensity civil conflicts that were fought in various locations across Great Kirav, though mostly in its easterly regions, from [YEAR] to [YEAR].

Analysis: The Colour Wars represented a condition of profound disunity and dissension at all levels of Kiravian society, going beyond mere class conflict or the broad ideological, sectional, or racial divisions underpinning most proper civil wars and complicated by myriad localised communal conflicts and fractured élites. Delegitimisation of public authority and the governing powers was also important. The conflicts spurred the growth of political movements such as Coscivian nationalism, Political Shaftonism, and Kirosocialism that advanced new ordering principles to unify Kiravian society and provide renewed purpose to politics.

Historiography: The historiography of the colour wars remains contentious. Western writings on the conflict and the official Kirosocialist historiography established as orthodoxy under the Kiravian Union both emphasise the class dimension of the conflict.

Politics of Etivéra

Etivéra has a coalitional presidential pattern of politics similar to that of the Kiravian federal government, in which policy is shaped by the independently elected Governor's efforts to build a pro-administration majority coalition in the legislature by agreeing to a common agenda.

Post-Kirosocialist Etivéra has a political landscape dominated by three major party-groups that serve as both legislative caucuses and electoral alliances. These are the Coalition for a New Etivéra (Shaftonist-democratic, conservative-liberal, and pro-SRA), Change to Win Coalition (Kirosocialist, left-wing populist, and pro-PDF), and Popular Front (Christian-democratic, centrist, and pro-CSU). As no group ever wins an outright majority in its own right, majority coalitions are usually formed by agreement between the Popular Front and either of the two other groups (sometimes with smaller parties or independents involved), or by any one of the major groups obtaining the support of smaller parties, independents, and (only rarely) dissident members of the other major groups.

Federal Astronomical Calculator

The Federal Astronomical Calculator (Rektārkax Iselrakénax Karabistuv) is a supercomputer cluster located in Eregion, Hanoram, outside of Kartika, and operated under the ægis of the Federal Spaceflight Authority. The National Astronomical Calculator Programme was initiated in 211XX under the Kiravian Union, and has undergone several complete hardware overhauls as decades have gone by. Originally intended for calculations in astrophysics, astrometrics, and aerospace engineering, the FAC is now used for a wide array of civilian governmental applications, including weather and climate modelling,

Constitutional Law of Kiravia

The Constitutional law of Kiravia (Coscivian: Stórnoálda, literally "metalaw" or "law of laws") comprises the Fundamental Statute of the Kiravian Federacy (Livnifîlon Kiravix Rektārká), the Statute of Liberties (Fîlon Helviskya), binding rulings and tōngan (judicial consensus) by constitutional courts, and unwritten conventions, customs, and traditions governing the configuration and operation of the Kiravian polity.

Federal Districts Commercial Control Act & Repeal Thereof

The Federal Districts Commercial Control Acts were a series of Kiravian federal (and confederal) legislation enacted for the purpose of restricting commercial activity in the nation's two federal districts, the District of Ksoīnvra and the Interlake District.

The selection of Kartika (then merely a medium-sized town) as the federal capital of Kiravia and the demarcation of the lands surrounding it as a federal district separate from any state and subordinate directly to the Stanora was an uncontroversial agreement that was believed to balance the interests of more northerly and southerly parts of the new federation and ensure the capital city's political neutrality. However, as the size of the [federal or confederal? probably federal but not sure] government and the scope of its power expanded and Kartika began to grow into a proper city along with it, concerns arose that Kartika would eventually become a primate city and the country's premier economic centre, eclipsing the other major cities at the time, Bérasar, Valēka, Eriadun, and Primóra. The states abutting the Disctict of Ksoīnvra - Hanoram and Ventarya - feared that merchants from their states would relocated to the capital district and deprive them of tax revenue. More principled concerns were raised in the newspapers of the day that the emergence of Kartika as a "new Era" would lead to harmful political centralisation and even - in more impassioned letters - the end of the Republic and a return to Verticalism.

The first Act, the District of Ksoīnvra Commerce Control Act, forbade merchants operating from the District from engaging in international trade and from selling goods to customers in the states or to Aboriginal tribes. Merchants already trading from the district under existing licenses could continue to operate in the town of Éamonsar and the parish of Arþodun, subject to taxation and regulation by Hanoram (in Éamonsar) and Ventarya (in Arþodun).

The Interlake District Commercial Ordinance was born of similar concerns - that it would create a federally-controlled national economic core which would depress the growth potential of other cities in the Inland Seas region, and that it would deprive surrounding states and territories of revenue. However, its issuance was more contentious than the District of Ksoīnvra Commerce Control Act had been, as many in the federal government felt that such a city would be beneficial for the economic development of the region and for maintaining federal authority and political cohesion as the Inland Seas began to rival the Eastern Seaboard economically. Some, such as [XYZ Lacuna], thought that a new federal capital should be established in the district, as it was more centrally-located on the island continent.

Repeal -

Most provisions of the acts were repealed under the Rénkédar administration. This occurred in a prevailing political climate favourable to economic liberalisation and enhancing freedom of trade and movement. However, it is accepted that the primary impetus for repeal was the severe downturn in the Capital District's economy and standard of living that had accompanied the post-Kirosocialist downsizing of the national government. It was hoped that lifting restrictions on private enterprise in the district would help to alleviate unemployment, crime, and urban decay.

Legacy - The effects of the Acts are still visible in the District of Coinvra. The district's economy is dominated by government and the service sector. Heavy industry and the architectural and social legacies thereof remain entirely absent from the city, and a handful of medium-sized commercial breweries are its largest manufacturing operations by workforce and units of output. Most other industrial enterprises are small operations dedicated to the manufacture of knowledge-intensive high-value-added specialty goods, such as telescopes, diving watches, and custom computer components.