Algosh Republic

Algosh Republic
Flag State emblem
Motto: Genawadni' ua' Thoqhyop Salqa (The world belongs to those who can coexist within it)
Location of the Algosh Republic (green) in northern Crona (gray). Other dependencies of Urcea and NSTA members are depicted in light green.
Capital and	Kaigwa
Official languages	Algosh
Religion	M'acunism
Government	Julian republic
• National Hierarch	Fel-ajani I
• Hierarch of the Treasury	Paka-antini
• Chancellor and Assembly Majority Leader	Jala-meni
Legislature	National Assembly
Establishment
• End of the Final War of the Deluge	2025
• Republic proclaimed	2026
Population
• 2026 estimate	34,502,665
GDP (nominal)	estimate
• Total	$213,295,475,030
• Per capita	$6,182

The Algosh Republic is a country in Cusinaut.

The Algosh Republic was formed from the ethnic Algosh heartlands of the former Hierarchy of Algoquona, excluding many of the periphery tribes and ethnic groups who became independent following the Final War of the Deluge. The Algosh, prior to that conflict, had a long history of martial traditions and both military and economic dominance in Cusinaut dating back to their time within the Northern Confederation. After a multi-year occupation by Urcea, the Republic was inaugurated in 2026 under a provisional government; a constitution was adopted in 2027 and the first constitutional election took place in 2030. It is a disarmed country, a status which has caused significant social turmoil as the Algosh people face an uncertain cultural future in the middle of the 21st century. In addition to massive cultural shocks, the Algosh economy is in a slow process of reconstruction as it changes its focus from internal support for the armed forces into a more liberalized, global-oriented economy.

The Algosh Republic is a member of the Nysdra Sea Treaty Association.

Geography

The Algosh Republic sits within the northern third of the Cusinaut peninsula on the northwestern coast of the Nysdra Sea. It extends from the coast several hundred miles inland. Much of the country sits on highlands which characterize most of the northern half of Cusinaut, though the westernmost portion of the country slopes downward into the central riverlands and lake region of Cusinaut. As a consequence of its formation - based largely on ethinic lines rather than geographical features - much of the Republic's borders are unmoored from natural stop points and embrace open fields and bisect a small mountain ridge in the north, though the country's southern border does broadly, if imperfectly, follow the flow of the country's main river down to the New Harren border. Most of the Republic has cool summers and cold winters and is classified as having a subarctic climate.

History

Pre-Republican history

Further information: Algosh History

The Algosh people were among the most important in an institution known as the Northern Confederation, a polity which banded together many of the peoples of Cusinaut into a single defense and economic area. From the foundation of the Confederation, the martial tradition of the Algosh, as well as their relative demographic advantage compared to the other members of the Confederation, made the Algosh the de facto plurality member of the Confederation. By the 20th century, the Algosh made up a majority of the officer corps of the shared defense forces of the Confederation. This fact allowed the Algosh to dominate many of their neighbors beginning in the 18th century, as the Confederation tended to allow internal disruptions in order to prevent external (i.e. Occidental) domination. This came to complete fruition with the Algosh coup in 2009, whereby the non-Urcean occupied portions of the Confederation were effectively conquered by the Algosh and reformed into Algoquona, an Algosh-run state which dominated the northern half of Cusinaut. Through a series of diplomatic and military actions, Algoquona was gradually reduced and then destroyed during the Final War of the Deluge.

Occupation

Further information: Final War of the Deluge

The occupation of former Algoquona began piecemeal, as several Hierarchs obstinately held out even after the surrender of the central government. The majority of territory within the modern borders of the Republic were occupied by the end of summer 2024. The areas partitioned under the post-war settlement were largely pacified by this time, though some Algosh commands in Caracua continued a low level insurgency through early 2025.

Throughout late 2024 and early 2025, the Urcean Royal and Imperial Army spread out throughout the country, occupying key garrisons and taking stock of available resources and existing infrastructure. During this period, the Military Rectory of Kaigwa was established as the military government of the region. Martin St. Clair, as theater commander, served as nominal Military Rector but delegated authority to his Deputy Rector, Pra. Sen. Cormac Bruno of the Royal Marine Corps. Bruno's government focused on the indexing of available resources of the state and enhanced local efforts at surveying existing physical and institutional infrastructure. On 18 October 2024, the DNID established headquarters in Kaigwa. The DNID began efforts to liaise with local officials about reeducation efforts as well as investments in the rebuilding economy. As part of that effort, ACED planted its headquarters on 1 November 2024 and began to distribute loans both to private citizens and provisional local governments to facilitate rebuilding the state. On 3 January 2025, Bruno appointed Jala-meni, a prominent reform activist, as head of a commission of Algosh civilian advisors. This commission, the Commission on Public Affairs of the Algosh State (CPAAS), represented the first body of Algosh civilians in a public role in the transition period, albeit in an advisory capacity.

In 2026, Algosh activist and civilian advisor Jala-meni was asked to form a provisional civilian government.

On 10 Feburary 2025, DNID and CPAAS began the long process of constructing the basic framework of a new Algosh state. These talks concluded with an agreement between both parties to begin elections for a constitutional convention, but the agreement also stated that such elections and convention could not be held until 2026 "at the earliest". Later, on 4 May 2025, Deputy Rector Bruno issued the Decree on Prices and Productivity, an act which began the liberalization of the economy by repealing previous price controls and state monopolies. The decree was devised by DNID and CPAAS in consultation and implemented by ACED. On 1 June, a proclamation was issued by CPAAS in the name of the Deputy Rector which conferred on most Algosh the "name and rights of citizen". The only group not included were all former Hierarchs as well as some senior military officials; the proclamation had the practical effect of absolving most military personnel of their role in the regime, opening the door for their reintegration into society. On 10 October, the occcupation government established a date for elections to the constitutional convention - 1 January, with the convention to begin on 1 February. The convention would use the old Hierarchies as a base constituency for the time being, with 100 overall delegates apportioned to each Hierarchy by population.

On 1 January 2026, under the supervision of the Royal and Imperial Army and volunteers associated with CPAAS, the convention election was held with no irregularities or problems, a momentous event in the history of the Algosh people. The convention began formally on 3 February of that year in Kaigwa but ran into significant issues as it was divided between traditionalists and reformers and by the end of February an impasse was reached. In the meantime, CPAAS and Urcea concluded an agreement whereby the Algosh would gain independence on 1 July 2026 and CPAAS becoming the provisional government under the leadership of Jala-meni as "Chairman of the National Provisional Governing Council" (NPGC). Although controversial in the convention (given that many in the convention sought to establish it as the provisional governing authority of the Algosh people) the convention nonetheless ratified the agreement on 8 March under the condition that the NPGC be made up of the six existing CPAAS members as well as four appointees of the convention and that any future vacancies in the NPGC would be filled by the convention, which was accepted by all parties. Although independence was set for 1 July, the new NPGC formally took office on 1 May of 2026 in preparation for the establishment of Algosh independence.

Establishment of Republic

Provisional government

The newly formed provisional government had two primary tasks before it, namely the construction of a state apparatus ahead of independence and overseeing the convention as it worked to establish a constitution for the Algosh Republic, of which the first task took priority in the few months between the government's establishment and state independence. The NGPC emulated Urcea's Conshilía Purpháidhe and established a six department cabinet (State, Administration, Justice, Commerce, Environment and Energy, and Domestic Security) on 4 May 2026. The cabinet ministries effectively required to be built from the ground up in the span of a week using existing personnel and assets, and accordingly each ministry was divided into four departments with two agencies beneath each department. In addition to incorporating the basic administrative apparatus of Urcea's occupation government, the NGPC also controversially nationalized many of the extant local government resources and structures within the national framework, excluding basic local services like sewage and firefighting. This move gave the NGPC a much broader role in Algosh life, endowed it with significant resources, and also began the process of creating a standardized administrative and welfare state apparatus, but also caused significant division. In the coming months, past independence, the six cabinet ministers would spend an increasing amount of time feuding with local governments and local government-appointed subordinates in order to gain control of their ministry, but by 2028 the public administration had stabilized to the point where some assets - but not all - were returned to local governments.

With the matter of public administration largely settled, the government turned to ensuring a successful constitutional effort. In this respect, it was less successful. Leveraging newly acquired local assets as well as international aid, the NGPC began to import large numbers of Occidental legal scholars to serve as aids to the convention and to render technical assistance. While useful, this move alienated many traditionalists and stalled the proceedings of the convention. Many NGPC members had hoped the constitution would be agreed upon, if not ratified, by the time of independence. Instead, the intransigence of the convention's members and divisions among them would mean a draft constitution would not take shape or be ratified until more than a year after independence. During this period, the NGPC generally and Chairman Jala-meni specifically had to expend significant political capital to keep the convention on course and to leverage public opinion in favor of it completing its work. The convention-appointed members of the NGPC also proved unreliable and undermined the NGPC as often as they were useful to it, sometimes contradicting statements of other members made in public as well as giving convention leaders advanced notice of efforts to rally the public.

The issue as to whether or not to use Hierarch Hall (photographed in 2022) as the seat of government served as a proxy for deeper cultural battles for the Algosh provisional government.

One of the most divisive pre-independence issues faced by the provisional government was the issue of the seat of government. The issue related to whether or not the government would be based in the Hierarch Hall - the Audonian and Occidental-inspired palace used by the Grand Hierarch of Algoquona and all previous military governments - or whether a more "suitable", civic-oriented building would be used, such as the elaborate old Varshani embassy building at that time being used by the provisional government. The issue, while seemingly insignificant, deeply divided traditionalists and reformers. Traditionalists argued that the building was a link to the past, symbol of Algosh statehood, and was a key part of the kind of nation-building the government was undertaking. Reformers argued the building was a symbol of oppression and militarism, and would send the wrong message not only to the Republic's neighbors but also its youth, signifying that militarism and a militaristic culture was still at the heart of Algosh society. The issue sidelined significant amounts of progress made on both the formation of an administration and the drafting of the constitution as it became a proxy for many of the major, deeper cultural issues dividing Algosh society, and accordingly it consumed most of the government's (and convention's) attention during June 2026. As the date for independence approached, Chairman Jala-meni devised a compromise. Hierarch Hall would become the seat of government, renamed Nation Hall, and no public official would enter it until an elaborate joint M'acunist-Catholic "cleansing ceremony" occurred, after which time a wave of iconoclastic violence would destroy the statuary of the former Grand Hierarchs and some (but not all) of the battle scenes. Many traditionalists objected to this as destroying national heritage, but enough moderate traditionalists found space to agree. The ceremony occurred on June 28 2026 just ahead of the date of formal independence.

On midnight on 1 July 2026, the Algosh Republic became an independent state. The Urcean flag was lowered across the city and replaced with a new flag, the green banner of the Republic, which incorporated the old symbols of Algoquona while removing its martial colors of red and yellow. With independence, the provisional government became the legitimate governing body of the sovereign state of the Algosh Republic. The issue of the constitution remained an outstanding one. The convention would continue to act in a relatively unruly way for the remainder of 2026 as sharpening partisan divides threatened its continued business. In November 2026, Chairman Jala-meni called for new elections for the constitutional convention, stating that its current composition had proven to be unable to breach impasses. This call was sharply controversial as the convention felt its prerogatives as an elected body were being jeopardized, but it nonetheless approved the new election with a bare majority while overwhelmingly voting to censure Chairman Jala-meni and the provisional government. Unlike the previous election, the 15 December constitutional convention election was accompanied by significant campaigning, including by Jala-meni who campaigned on behalf of the reform faction. Reformers won a majority of the convention in the December election and, with moderates, now formed the two-thirds necessary to ratify the constitution. With a majority in hand, the convention now sought to reunify the country by means of mutually agreeable concessions to the traditionalists now in a superminority. On 18 February 2027, the convention approved a draft constitution by a margin of 83 to 17. It was sent to a national referendum to be held on 1 June 2027 with an effective date of 1 July. As with the December election, the two major factions launched major vote-getting campaigns for or against the draft, which was ultimately approved by a 67-33 margin. It took effect as the Hierarchical Canon of 2027 on 1 July and scheduled elections to take place in 2030.

After independence, the new state's provisional government immediately faced a contentious issue with regard to Varshani refugees. Among the two major political factions of the provisional era - the reformers and the traditionalists - the reformers took a harder-line anti-refugee approach while the traditionalists were in favor of refugee resettlement. Though cultural observers noted that this was somewhat counterintuitive from an Occidental point of view, the traditionalists argued that Zurgite Varshan fought and was destroyed partly on behalf of Algoquona's independence, and thus the Algosh people had a "bond of honor" to accept Varshani people. The provisional government resisted the resettlement on the basis of the poverty of the people already living within the Republic, but Urcea sought their resettlement due to the well established aid infrastructure and general plentiful food stores now established in northern Cusinaut. The reformers ultimately lost the public debate and in August 2027 agreed to resettle a thousand Varshani families along the mostly wartorn eastern border with New Harren.

2030 election and nation-building

The 2030 election was the first free and fair election for government officials in the history of the Algosh people and was observed by multiple international organizations and foreign countries. As per the Hierarchical Canon, all 263 seats of the National Assembly as well as the local legislatures of all ten Captaincies were on the ballot. The Algosh Rebirth League won a majority in the National Assembly, majorities in all ten Captaincies, and the office of Hierarch of the Treasury. The Rebirth League, consequently, continued the Algosh Republic on the path of social reform and nation-building began by the provisional government. All ten members of the provisional government were elected as Rebirth League members of the Assembly, while its chair Jala-meni retained power, now as Chancellor and Majority Leader of the National Assembly. An ally of Jala-meni named Paka-antini was elected Hierarch of the Treasury, ensuring that Jala-meni remained at the center of Algosh political life. A political newcomer named Fel-ajani, a former military officer with some reform-leanings, was elected National Hierarch with the regnal name of Fel-ajani I.

The 2030s were a time of continued social upheaval in the Republic due to the impacts of disarmament on the Algosh worldview and the growth of out-migration of both war veterans and young men. It also continued the trend of women entering Algosh public life, the rise of new men within urban cores, and the continued economic growth resulting from the improvement economy. Politically, it has been characterized as a period of normalization inasmuch as the elected government is increasingly being viewed as the expected norm rather than a foreign imposition. The National Hierarch Fel-ajani I and Chancellor Jala-meni have had a largely ambivalent relationship, with the National Hierarch serving as something of a traditionalist check on the Jala-meni's otherwise unchallenged control of the government and the Captaincies.

Government

Nation Hall, seat of government of the Algosh Republic.

The Algosh Republic, as its name would suggest, is a federal republic employing a basic Urcean-style republican system, with a head of state, a chief executive, and a legislative head of government. Many of the titles and honors included within these republican roles - especially National Hierarch and Hierarch of the Treasury - are modeled after the traditional titles and honors of the military rulers of Algoquona, also called hierarchs, but are instead chosen by election. The nation is governed under the Hierarchical Canon of 2027, which serves as the nation's constitution. It reflects the basic separation of powers implicit within the Government of Urcea and includes a bill of rights modeled after the Great Bull of 1811. Elections in the Algosh Republic occur on years beginning with "0" and "5". The first election was held in 2030.

The Hierarchs

Within the Algosh constitution, there are two Hierarchs - the National Hierarch, who serves as head of state and symbol of continuity of the Algosh people, and the Hierarch of the Treasury, the chief executive largely responsible for the day-to-day administration of the state. In the context of a Urcean-style republican system, the National Hierarch's role was inspired by that of the Apostolic King of Urcea, whereas the Hierarch of the Treasury was inspired by the role of the Procurator in Urcea.

The National Hierarch is elected a single fifteen year term and uses regnal names and numbering, with the name of the Hierarch serving as the regnal era of the Algosh calendar. The role of the National Hierarch is somewhat limited and serves as a symbolic embodiment of the constitution, but the role does have the authority to appoint both the nation's foreign ambassadors and diplomats as well as judges. Additionally, the National Hierarch nominates the Captains-General of the nation's federal units, the Captaincies, to be confirmed by a vote by the Assembly. The National Hierarch has a suspensive veto, but this authority can only be used to delay consideration of a measure by the Assembly for six months, and cannot be used more than once on a specific legislative initiative during any term of the Assembly. The National Hierarch is prohibited from having any role in the Algosh military due to the legacy of the Algosh coup, though the nation's disarmed status makes this distinction largely nominal. The office of National Hierarch is non-partisan, and candidates running for it are prohibited by law from being associated with any political party.

The Hierarch of the Treasury is elected nationally to five year terms with no term limit. The office serves as chief executive and directs the affairs of the government through the role's authority as head of the national treasury. Accordingly, all cabinet officials take direction from the Hierarch of the Treasury. The office functionally oversees the daily affairs of the Republic, serves as the commander-in-chief of the nation's nominal armed forces, and can propose budgets and legislation directly to the National Assembly. The Hierarch also oversees the nation's foreign policy in conjunction with the National Hierarch, as the latter is responsible for appointing the nation's ambassadors and diplomats. Unlike in Urcea and some other Julian systems, the Hierarch of the Treasury may not serve as a member of the National Assembly, ensuring that the office remains distinct from that of the legislative leader. All cabinet members are also prohibited from serving as members of the legislature during their term in the cabinet.

National Assembly

The National Assembly is the national unicameral legislature of the Algosh Republic. Its 263 members are elected from 200 districts apportioned once per decade between the nation's 10 captaincies, with 63 remaining members elected at-large. Its elections are held every five years in years beginning in "0" and "5". It holds authority over all matters of law and all treaties, and it cannot be dissolved.

The National Assembly chamber in Nation Hall.

The leader of the Assembly is the Chancellor and Assembly Majority Leader, who holds both a political role within the Assembly and an administrative role within the national treasury, functionally making the Chancellor the head of government. The Chancellor, on behalf of the Assembly, is responsible for appointing members of the national cabinet. Although the cabinet is compelled to take direction from the Hierarch of the Treasury, they are nonetheless responsible to the Chancellor.

Captaincies

The Captaincy is the basic federal unit of the Republic, replacing the hierarches of Algoquona. The nation is divided into ten Captaincies. These units were established along new lines, with each centering on one major urban area within the coutnry, intentionally ignoring old hierarchical or cultural/ethnic lines. The Captaincies all have a popularly elected legislatures serving the same term as the national legislature. The Captains-General of the Captaincies are nominated by the National Hierarch for terms coinciding with the legislative term and confirmed by the National Assembly, and any Captain-General can only serve a single term consecutively. The Captains-General have relatively standard executive authority over their Captaincy, but any action taken by them can be overturned by a 3/5ths veto of the legislature, including administrative actions.

Politics

Politics in the Algosh Republic are roughly evenly divided between traditionalists and reformers. The traditionalists, represented by the National Honor Front (NHF) are closely associated with the old military; although all former Hierarchs and many senior military officials are barred from holding office or voting, most officers and soldiers were given full rights as citizens of the Republic. Traditionalists seek to restore the honor of the Algosh people militarily through rearmament, a negotiated reclamation of some lost territories, and the reestablishment of some traditional institutions, such as the replacement of the Captaincies with the traditional Hierarchies and reinstitution of older social organizations such as the social regiments. The reformers, represented by the Algosh Rebirth League (ARL), are associated with the burgeoning middle class and "new men" and are considered to be Occidentalizers, although this label is considered to be a generalization by most. The ARL is generally pro-NSTA, in favor of pan-Nysdrine trade, restoring the diplomatic reputation of the Algosh abroad, foreign investments, and is also a defender of the current political order. Several smaller parties also exist, including irredentists, M'acunist fundamentalists, and other single-issue parties.

In the 2030 elections, the Algosh Rebirth League won 148 of 263 seats in the National Assembly as well as the office of Hierarch of the Treasury as well as the legislature of every Captaincy, sweeping partisan offices. Jala-meni, elected the first Chancellor of the Republic, was an instrumental figure in guiding the nation through the occupation, and was previously an outspoken critic of the military government. The National Hierarch elected in 2030, Fel-ajani I, is non-partisan but is viewed to be more broadly traditionalist-leaning than reform-minded.

Culture

Algosh culture predates the republic by centuries. It has long been noted for its martial tradition, which necessarily created a strict sense of discipline, order, and hierarchy in all parts of Algosh life. That influence also led to an emphasis of peer-bonding within Algosh society, as individuals of similar ages and social groups were expected to not only work together but be bonded in combat-like shared experiences. Accordingly, the Algosh have a deeply communitarian ideal that has been significantly disrupted by the end of their military history and the introduction of Occidental political, social, and economic thought. This ideal and way of life permeates nearly all elements of Algosh society; this is most clearly expressed by Algosh family life, where it is not uncommon to find family groups going out to 4th and 5th cousins living together. Even the wealthiest families in Algosh society typically live together in expansive familial mansions. Cousin intermarriage is accordingly common, and unlike most other places in Cusinaut marriage of first cousins is not subject to social taboo.

The Algosh culture is undergoing significant changes as a result of the end of Algoquona and its traditional role over north-central Cusinaut, traditionally dominating smaller groups of people and greatly emphasizing their martial character. Within Algosh culture itself, scholars, politicians, and celebrities alike are reportedly trying to find what it means to be "Algosh alone" - that is, a distinct people without reference to external martial or geopolitical characteristics. This martial character was not just external facing related to peripheral peoples in peripheral territories, but rather a deep sense of self within Algosh society. Traditionally, the Algosh martial spirit was not only reflected in its outward domination but also in its internal social organization and individual worldview and outlook. Martial achievement dominated most facets of pre-2024 Algosh life. Between the development of the Algosh administrative state in the early 20th century and 2024, every person (man, woman, or child) within Algosh society was regimented, meaning that every person was assigned a nominal unit to which they belonged; not only was this an administrative distinction which had a practical side in the event of conscription or the formation of militias, but it also created social groups based on expected shared military experiences. It also created a natural hierarchy within society wherein "unit" superiors were respected and deferred to, and on top of which the political Hierarchs had significant local control within the old Algoquonan political system. Social regimentation was abolished in 2027, weakening the ties between people within the country. Additionally, being part of the armed forces and serving in some capacity - be it in frontier tribal control or actual military combat - was a critical part of the coming of age process of young men in Algoquona, creating what has become a "lost generation" for young men in their teenaged years during the late 2020s. This alienation, resulting from both disarmament and the liberalization of Algosh society, has not only caused resentment but clinically measured mass disillusionment. In response to the overwhelming cultural shock inaugurated by disarmament, the government of the Republic has spent considerable amounts of both time and capital into cultural awareness and revival organizations as part of an overall scheme of nation-building. Many Occidental scholars have noted the relative unique position of a centuries-old people requiring state-funded nation-building, and believe that it speaks to the significant place that martial domination of others had in pre-republican Algosh culture.

Ancestral participation in battles (such as the Battle of Re'du'on depicted here in late medieval art), which are often considered to be mythical in nature, form the basis of the ala'osayenya' h cultrual groups.

In the place of the Algoquona-era social regimentation, some other traditional martial-adjacent social groupings have been reintroduced or reemphasized by the government in order to create alternative social groupings in the very group-and-hierarchy oriented Algosh society. The most famous of these are the "old brotherhoods" or ala'osayenya' h. The old brotherhoods are established lineages of descendants who fought in famous battles in Algosh history, with lists of famous battles determined by a general organic sense of society. Many of these battles were historic events which occurred prior to the formation of the Northern Confederation, two were in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the majority of the remainder are considered by Occidental historians to be mythical events with a possible basis in real history. In any case, the old brotherhoods form a type of soft clan structure whereby social interactions are encouraged within the brotherhoods but not necessarily excluded from outside them. Additionally, most of the old brotherhoods have specific festivals commemorating their particular remembered battle, which includes parades, reenactments, retellings, and other similar events. The old brotherhoods became less fashionable following the regimentation of society but have become favored by the Algosh Republican government as a replacement for the regimental institutions.

There are a large amount of what have been called "new men" within Algosh society, which are individuals who have (to greater and lesser degrees) fully adapted Occidental-style social expectations, commercial roles, and economic outlooks in contravention of earlier Algosh social mores. The new men, who are increasingly educated abroad and have significant social, political, and business connections in Levantia and Caphiria, predominantly make up the political leadership of the Republic. There have been allegations of favoritism both by the government and by foreign aid entities for firms run by new men, including for the lucrative infrastructure reconstruction contracts which play a major role in the developing Cusinauti economy. The existence of the new men has created significant social tensions in Algosh society, creating degrees of income inequality as many non-new men are torn on their response to their growing influence: many traditionalists denounce them as traitors, but most Algosh seek to join their number.

Algosh abroad

The martial tradition of the Algosh has received some outlet in service abroad, leading to a large degree of outmigration of Algosh men, including veterans of the Final War of the Deluge but also younger men raised in the traditional expectations of Algosh society. Men going abroad for military service typically do so in an extended social regimental unit, with dozens of men arriving together in foreign countries to volunteer for service and eventually settling there together following their service, bringing over any extended family that want to relocate. These Algosh expatriates are becoming an increasingly important part of NSTA's overall collective defense, forming the backbone of the ground forces of Copake and a significant portion of the Quetzen army. A large number of Algosh have also enlisted in the Burgoignesc Foreign Legion's Tirailleurs Tessouat and a few are even present within New Veltorina's army. The Algosh armed expatriates have lobbied to be allowed to form a foreign-legion like formation in Urcea's Royal and Imperial Army but have been denied both as an official discouragement of the process as well as domestic political concerns about former enemies serving in Urcea's military.

Some critics and political observers have noted that the outmigration may be an intentional policy choice by Urcea rather than a byproduct of the pacification of Algosh culture insofar as it removes the most martially inclined individuals from Algosh society on a completely voluntary basis. Scholars have noted that the growing proliferation of Algosh soldiers abroad has had the unintended consequence of strengthening, rather than weakening, the Algosh reputation abroad for martial prowess. The outmigration of men has had the side-effect of introducing women to the workplace, a trend generally unknown to the Algosh prior to the Deluge.

Sports

Lacrosse is the most popular sport in the Republic, followed by soccer. Due to the poor cultural and political relations between Algoquona and NSTA, the Northern Crona Lacrosse Association (NCLA) was prohibited from being aired on Algoquonan television. Instead, the national Algosh Homeland League (AHL) was the most popular lacrosse league in the country. The Final War of the Deluge functionally brought an end to the league, as aerial bombing and other military disruptions precluded the ability of the League to continue operations. Additionally, as the war drained Algosh manpower, most of the league's stars were conscripted and then killed in action. The Algosh people largely continued to play lacrosse as a street-and-farm game. When the NCLA became available to Algosh viewers for the first time, it immediately became the most popular lacrosse offering in the country, though unlike other Cusinauti countries, there was significant resistance to the Association among more nationalist Algosh. A revived AHL was formed and operated between 2027 and 2030 but eventually folded due to lack of sponsorships and investment, all of which went to the NCLA. Beginning in the 2030s, many of the best Algosh players began to move to New Harren in order to play in the Association. Kaigwa is considered a possible future home of an NCLA expansion team, but issues - both lack of local capital and continued opposition to the "Occidental league" in some quarters - plague the possibility of expansion to the Republic.

Demographics

At the time of the Republic's formation in 2027, it had a population of 34,502,665. Although no census has been conducted since that year, it is anticipated that the population has grown both due to a young population as well as the small settlement of Varshani refugees.

Due to the relatively large numbers of young men expatriating from the Republic, some scholars have expressed alarm at the longterm demographic prospects of the Republic and the possible need to bring in additional male Varshani refugees or even Pachoy exiles to help compensate for the losses; such measures have been opposed by the government and the possible demographic implications downplayed.

The Algosh language is spoken by nearly every resident of the Algosh Republic and is the native language of the Algosh people.

The Algosh people are mostly members of the M'acunist faith tradition. Occidental religions, primarily the Catholic Church, comprise a very small but growing percentage of the Algosh population as is the case in most other parts of Cusinaut.

Economy

Urban cranes, a common symbol of the improvement economy, are frequent sights in Kaigwa as the city is a major growth destination as a result of its preexisting infrastructure.

The Algosh Republic's economy is considered developing. Economists have noted that it projects to have moderately strong growth in the future, both due to the effects of liberalization on the economy as well as the potential for major economic reconstruction and restructuring due to the lasting devastation of war on the country. The Algosh Republic has been subject to signficant foreign aid and development schemes employing the improvement economy model, using funds from both the Urcean Agency for Cronan Economic Development as well as private investment. The Algosh Republic, due its population and relative state of urbanization, has been a major source of foreign private capital investment, and many international investors and analysts are bullish on the possibility of the Republic being the "next Quetzenkel" in terms of being a major Cronan development success story. Despite this positive outlook, the Algosh Republic is still a very poor country as of the early-mid 2030s, with a GDP PC of $6,182 entering the decade. Unlike other countries being made subject to the improvement economy, the Republic had a relatively strong pre-existent network of roads, bridges, and railways in the immediate vicinity of Kaigwa, and so economists believe the economic growth to come will be more concentrated in outlying cities rather than the current economic heart of the country, and that benefits will primarily come from the creation of a new middle and upper class rather than the direct improvement economy benefit of urbanization. This extant transportation system and degree of urbanization has significant benefits for the Republic's outlook, however, as foreign firms are already opening locations in Kaigwa rather than prospectively waiting for project completions, and a small urban middle class (the "New Men") already exists that governs the Republic and can participate in the amenity-service economy. The outflow of young men, particularly those of working age, has proved a challenge towards the Republic's economic reconstruction, but it has also created economic conditions necessary for women to enter the workforce; this trend has improved the Republic's attractiveness to foreign capital, as it functionally represents a check on social backsliding and makes the Republic a more stable investment opportunity in the long-term according to foreign investors.

Besides its developing urban and industrial economy, the Algosh Republic has robust agricultural and mining sectors. In agriculture, the country grows predominantly maize and potatoes, as is the case in most of the rest of Cusinaut. In mining, the Algosh Republic is a major source of nickel. Prior to 2024, the nickel mines were owned by the state and the country's mining industry was characterized as being plagued with inefficiency, waste, fraud, and generally being outdated. Significant foreign investments since the establishment of the Republic have revolutionized the now private nickel mining sector, and nickel output has increased twofold between 2015 and 2035. Many economists project that the Republic will become a leading country in nickel mining by 2050 or 2060. Besides nickel, trace quantities of uranium ore have been discovered in the country, joining other Cusinaut countries in being viable for uranium mining, but specialization in nickel - combined with plentiful ore and beneficial economic conditions in neighboring New Harren - have generally led to low interest in uranium mining within the Republic.

The Algosh Republic transitioned from using the wísdat - the transitional currency of the Northern Confederation and then Algoquona - to the taler. Both currencies were used in tandem between 2025 and 2030 in the territory. During this time, the Urcean government funded a program to offer the taler at an exchange rate of one taler to twenty wísdats, a rate far above the actual exchange values of the currency. This program was largely successful in ensuring wide adoption of the taler, but also led to a period of international speculation on the wísdat between 2027 and 2029, during which time some intermediaries in the Algosh Republic took advantage of the program to the benefit of their patrons.

Military

As a result of the Final War of the Deluge, the Algosh people are effectively disarmed under the terms of the establishment of the republic. Accordingly, the nation is primarily defended by the Urcean Royal and Imperial Army and Royal Air Force. A limited exception to this comes in the form of the Republic's participation within the Nysdra Sea Guard, which employs many former enlisted and officers who were previously members of the small, but professional, navy of Algoquona.