Latest revision as of 04:39, 23 September 2024

CDI

The Caucus of Democrats and Independents is a legislative caucus in the Kiravian Stanora. Composed mainly of former members of the Shaftonist-Republican Alliance, the caucus describes itself as "a diverse and independent-minded caucus of problem-solvers", and is commonly described by the press as "the meeting of Delegates who are neither conservative nor socialist". Occidental analysts typically consider the CDI as centrist to centre-left.

In the current configuration of Kiravia's coalitional-presidentialist system, the CDI are part of the anti-administration camp, which is currently in the legislative minority.

The CDI originated as a working group and breakfast club within the SRA caucus called the Mimosa Group, made up of Delegates with a more liberal perspective on the Shaftonist-democratic political programme. A political conference, the Shaftonist Democratic Union, was organised along similar ideological lines in [YEAR], in response to a perceived "rightward" turn in the SRA/SRI and the policies of the Candrin administration. The SDU affirmed its loyalty to the SRA caucus and its member-parties continued to participate in the SRI, but the SDU only operated more and more independently over time, even changing its name to the Independent Democratic Union in [YEAR] and dropping any explicit commitments to the SRA and SRI later that year when it took on observers from outside the traditional Shaftonist-Republican column. Delegates affiliated with the IDU continued to sit with the SRA caucus and pro-administration camp, but by [YEAR] were understood to be functioning as an autonomous caucus for most purposes, as often happens in Kiravian politics. The formal break with the SRA was made after the Treaty of Electorsbourg, when the IDU-affiliated Delegates crossed over to the anti-administration camp, stating their opposition to a Kiravian neo-colonial presence in Crona and intention to vote against ratifying the treaty, and notified the Chancellor that they would thenceforth sit as the Union of Democrats and Independents.

Who is in it:

In Stanora:'

Tea Party (Fariva) - former SRA, splintered from First Farivan Party
Civic Institutional Party (Kiygrava) - former SRA
Union Democratic Party/Democratic Movement Party (Æonaran states) - former RKC
Sky Blue Party (Kaskada) - former SRA
Scientific-Industrial Party (Xirya) - former SRA
Moderate Party (Bissáv) - former SRA
Independent Republican Party (Erinava) - former SRA

In State offices:

New Democratic Party (Niyaska) - idk.
Constructive Party (Ventarya) - former SRA
Constitutional Democratic Party
Citizenship Party
Public Communities Party (Kastera, Interlaken)
Yellow Apple Party (Vendée?)

Observers with regional office:

Pribraltar Freedom Party (also RKC observer)

Participation trophy holders:

Deletionist Party (Serikorda) - former LG, flipped non-inscrit after KFA merger
Wastani People's Party - former non-inscrit

Participation trophy observers:

Great Kirav Independence Party (also LFK observer)

Senatorialists and Parliamentarists

Name bank: Public Choice Party Public Interest Party Public Justice Party -- Opportunity Party Fair Shot Party Inclusive Republican Party Inclusionist Party Mergist Party

National Power Party

The National Power Party (Coscivian: Plaiduv Ğudra'ārá) is a liberal unitary political party in the Kiravian Federacy. Originating in Æonara under the Kiravian Remnant, the correspondence committees that would form the skeleton of the NPP were made up of dissidents from the United Allegiance Society who had become critical of the conservatising Renaissance Party and the Remnant's political establishment generally, and who desired more substantive progress toward political liberalisation. The organisation operated legally but underground and under close state surveillance until the death of Prime Executive Kæśek in 1962, after which it came aboveground as the National Power Party and sought membership in the National Reunification Front, which it was denied. Although permitted to exist as part of civil society, the NPP could not contest elections until 1976. In the truly multiparty elections of that year, the NPP emerged as the largest party in the Stanora outside the NRF, in part because the established authorities preferred the NPP over the other leading opposition group, the Democratic Movement Party, and worked actively to shift opposition voters from the DMP to NPP. The NPP went through a period of irrelevancy after Kiravian Reunification; however, during this time it underwent a generational change in leadership and adopted a new platform. Following the collapse of the Kiravian Green Party and its Third Front alliance, the rejuvenated NPP was able to gather liberal voters previously attached to the Greens, enabling the Party to regain its national profile.

The contemporary NPP is has been described as a radical centrist party by international observers, on the grounds that it calls for relatively bold, even fundamental, institutional reforms, but is neither conservative nor socialist. Other observers (mostly right-leaning) consider it a centre-left party of the middle class, while still others (mostly left-leaning) characterise the party as centre-right in relation to capital. In Kiravia the Party is best known for its advocacy of human rights and humanitarianism, and is recognised as the leading proponent of the human rights conceptual framework in the country, though it is perceived as being more of a testimonial party than a potent political force due to its relatively narrow voter base and limited presence in provincial and federal legislatures.

Unusually for a liberal party, the contemporary NPP maintains a highly disciplined, paramilitary organisational structure with cadre assigned military ranks and donning political uniforms. Despite this, the Party has never had an armed wing or associated militia.

Platform

National Liberalism or Liberal Nationalism

The contemporary ideological mantle of the National Power Party is situated at the intersection of nationalism and liberalism, validly interpretable as either a national-liberal or liberal-nationalist line. The Party espouses nationalism as a necessary condition for a more free and individualistic society, contrasting nationalism with Coscivian corporatism (in which ethnosocial communities, castes, kinship groups, religious institutions, guilds, and traditional hierarchies govern the individual in addition to the State), parochialism (in which xyz), and imperialism (in which qwr).

The NPP's conception of Nationhood is entirely civic in nature. In the words of an influential founding member, Brigadier Rulon Æselméir, "the Kiravian Nation is not a proposition nor an ideal, but a factual reality. The most self-deluded sophist cannot deny that there exists a definite spatial realm and living population - a Kiravia and its Kiravians - constituted and bound to one another by historical and institutional processes and material relations, both those currently prevailing and the legacies of those past. The Kiravian Nation persists in spite of its present political schism, and the ill effects of the Nation's unnatural rending are not only deeply felt but concretely measurable." The Party's founders rejected the meta-ethnic Coscivian nationalism of the UAS: in their view, ethnic minorities formed part of the Nationality and deserved equality, whereas Coscivian populations long outside the modern Kiravian state (e.g. Mainland Coscivians, Hekuvian Coscivians) were plainly foreigners.^[1] Similarly, they rejected territorial nationalism and irredentism (e.g. with respect to Wintergen). Though significantly indebted to the "civilisational" narratives employed by both the Renaissance Party and the Kirosocialists that defined Kiravia as a civilisation-state, the NPP departed from this also. Their ideologists credited the Coscivian peoples and Coscivian civilisation as central and indispensible to building the Kiravian Nation but refused, on classical Restarkist grounds, to identify any tradition, norm, or institution as essential to the National character. Indeed, the early members criticised state-sponsored projects of the time that aimed to articulate authentically and distinctively Coscivian answers to modern issues (e.g. Coscivian complementarism) and the use of these (allegedly ahistorical and contrived) ideas as bases for public policy. They argued that the survival, growth, and vitality of the Nation was not dependent on the persistence of any arbitrarily "indigenous" more to the exclusion of "imported" mores, pointing to navigation, stock-raising, Christianity, and [some Caphirian thing] as cultural imports that had strengthened National life. Thus, the relationship of Coscivian civilisation to the Kiravian Nation in NPP Thought was "foundational but not fundamental", and "Coscivianness" was not a valid obstacle to reform.^[2] Nationalism in the NPP formulation is therefore supposèd to be culturally and demographically inclusive and and open to reform and the full exercise of democracy.^[3]

Based on its conception of the Kiravian Nation, the NPP ardently supported national reunification. Its approach to reunification was more flexible than that of the Renaissance Party and its satellites who, until the 1960s, would accept nothing less than dissolution of the Kiravian Union and resumption of full authority over the Mainland by their own government. From its beginnings, the NPP was much more open to a diplomatic solution and to compromise with the KU. The Party justified its loyalty to the Remnant with the assessment that the Remnant was committed to reunification and seemingly (from 1945) to democratisation as well, rather than any appeal to legitimacy. It was thus willing to consider alternative scenarios, such as One Nation Two Systems, the Popular Sovereignty Federation, or formation of an entirely new, unified state. The NPP's commitment to reunification distinguished it from the other 1976-1985 liberal opposition party, the DMP, attracting tactical support from the establishment.

The NPP usually defines its nationalism in opposition to corporatism, parochialism, and imperialism; however, it also supports national sovereignty and has in the past defended the nation-state as morally superior to supranationalism, one-world government, and even liberal post-nationalism. While it has softened with respect to the latter since the 2010s and is now welcoming towards internationalism in matters such as human rights protection, in economic matters it continues to assert a preference for independent monetary policy and fixed exchange rates over free movement of capital.

Society & Culture

Divorce by mutual agreement
Civil unions fully equivalent to marriage
Homosexuals allowed to serve openly in all branches of the Armed Forces.

Whereas the principle of loryavôntikor ārká ("religious neutrality of the state") has historically been understood in a largely communitarian sense as the civil equality of confessions and state non-interference in the affairs of religious institutions and the religious life of identifiable, organised communities, the National Power Party advances an understanding that focuses on individual rights, with or without reference to organised religious bodies.

In regard to education policy, the NPP has outlined a curricular model of National Education with heavy emphases on skills and citizenship, which it believes should be implemented primarily by a robust system of state schools while also requiring nonstate schools to comply with its core standards. The Party has opposed provincial legislation to charterise and/or voucherise public education and to extend voucher eligiblity to sectarian schools. National Command issued orders in 2009 stating that the Party accepts ecclesiastical and independent schools as part of the Kiravian education ecosystem.

The National Power Party has sought to avoid the sensitive area of language politics. Its 2025 gubernatorial candidate in Central Æonara was quoted as saying that "the status quo, for all its flaws, strikes a satisfactory balance between linguistic rights and national cohesion". Its National Education white paper states that primary education should provide linguistic minority students with a gentle but timely transition from "native language to community language", while intermediate education should combine "community language as the medium of instruction and the general language as a core subject" and secondary education should be in the medium of the "general language". The terms "community language" and "general language" are left undefined.

Economic and Fiscal Policy

The party is explicitly capitalist and rejects socialism, but does not have a systematic, ideological approach to economic issues. It is generally seen as more interventionist and redistributionist than the Federalist-Republicans, but less so than the Coscivian National Congress, Social Democrats, or the left wing of the Caritist Social Union, occupying the same general territory as the UDI or the right-wing of the CSU. The South Crona Morning Post has described the party's outlook as social-liberal.

Constitutional Reform

The National Power Party supports amending the Kiravian constitution to effect a change from the current presidential system to a semi-presidential system. Semipresidential systems are used by many Kiravian states. The NPP supported the [CURRENT YEAR] constitutional amendment to limit the Prime Executive to a single seven-year term, though it noted an openness to lifting the restriction if a semi-presidential system were to be adopted in the future.

Refuting accusations of Formicalism, the NPP has affirmed that it is in favour of the Marble Emperor's continued reign, calling His Marbliness "a unique and positive fixture of our constitutional framework that strengthens the cultural foundations supporting a rule-of-law state".

The NPP has called for the democratic reform or otherwise the abolition of upper houses of provincial legislatures that are designed on a corporatist basis or include members who hold their seats ex officio, by appointment, or by other mechanisms besides general election. Its opposition to university constituencies has not precluded it from contesting elections in such constituencies.

The NPP supports federalism, but would like Kiravian federalism to become more symmetric and for laws and policies enacted on the provincial level to become more harmonised and uniform. It professes that the framers of the current constitution intended for thematic federalism to be transitional and temporary, and that the Stanora has a constitutional mandate to bring South Kirav, the Overseas Regions, and Sarolasta to economic parity with the national core and encourage provinces in these themes to become part of the Inner Federation.

Miscellaneous

The National Power Party further advocates:

Urbanism and cyclism.
Administrative reforms to replace the household registries and passport system with a single, compulsory National ID in biometric card form.

Foreign and Colonial policy:

In general: Cool with the concept of a pluricontinental and multicultural Nation. In favour of retaining most territories. Supports strengthening cohesion, facilitating integration, and progressively diminishing distinctions between the Federacy and Collectivity to the extent possible and democratically acceptable.
Acknowledges the Melians as a distinct Nationality by rights, favourable to independence if sought.
Acknowledges the Ardmori as a distinct but related Nationality by rights, okay with independence if sought but prefers for it to remain in the Federacy.
Generally against minority ethnostates but okay with Thrakoslav autonomy or North-East Yerduran independence as solutions to the Sydonan question.
Would allow independence for the less-Coscivised outer islands of Sarolasta if their populations democratically express a desire for such but prefers for them to remain in the Federacy.
In re: Mid-Atrassic States:
- Speed up the process for extending full Responsible Gov't to the Southern Division
- KF must either commit to a plan for an equitable, human-rights-based settlement with respect to the Northern Division SAZs or let them go.
- In the latter case, KF should retain only the Southern Division, the contiguous coastal zones of Coscivian settlement, territories linking the preceding two, and the Chappaqui State (if democratically approved). Montitoba and Gatún Lake territories should be relinquished.

Electoral Showings

In federal elections, the NPP performed reasonably well in three of the four open Stanoral elections held by the Kiravian Remnant: 1976, 1979, and 1982, though 1976 would remain its all-time best result. All opposition parties fared poorly in 1985 on account of the NRF government securing Kiravian Reunification. The best post-reunification result for the National Power Party came in 2006.

Yon Paul

Yon Pául (Sintalian: Giovanni di Paolo) is the leader of the Libertarian Party of the Palmetto Coast, and Chairman of the Liberty Group political conference.

Giovanni di Paolo was born in the Aventurine Bay Colony, in a suburb of Avenasar, to an upper-middle-class Sintalian family involved in the the import-export business. While working as a teller at a Citrus & Chemical Bank branch, he studied Agribusiness Œconomics & Management at the State University of Subtropical Agriculture in Eastion, and was awarded a degree for his monstration Logarithmic Smooth Transition Regression Analysis of Spread Trading on the Orange Juice Futures Market. He then relocated to Sirana to work as a soft-commodities trader for the Helkéar Corporation and later Piër Pinard & Company.

Like most Sintalian-Crasoans, di Paolo uses a Coscivised version of his name. Yon is one of numerous Coscivian equivalents of ‘John’, and Páuv is the standard Coscivian equivalent of ‘Paul’. As is standard practice in Krasoa, the genitive case - Pául - is used to imply that the original Sintalian name contains the particle di ('of'). Surnames in the genitive case are uncommon among Coscivians; one notable example is Tom of Ardrossan (Tomáus Ardrossask).

VNQDD


Umcaran Renaissance Party Plêduv Ùmkarag Inowamsuk

Flag

States	South Æonara, Liberantia, Eriada, West Æonara
Headquarters	Rambosar, South Æonara
Chairperson	X.N. Vúhoń
Leader	Bob Jones
Platform	Umcaran Coscivian interests Shaftonist republicanism Coscivian nationalism Conservatism
Voter Base	Umcaran Coscivians
Conferences	Interstate Republican Conference

Federal Caucus	SRA
Electoral Symbol
South Æonara	32 / 120
Liberantia	35 / 65
Federal Stanora	4 / 545

EJP


Economic Justice Party Plaiduv Timoniúlitærēsk

Logo

Headquarters	№21, 18-ram, E-District, Kartika
Party Chair	Saverius Kaîśaxon
Whip	Ordovicius Sūrmiran
Platform	Georgism Geoconservatism Social credit Distributism Monetarism Social conservatism Agrarianism
Voter Base	Farm Gang
Conferences	Progressive Alliance
Caucus	Kiravian Free Alliance

Federal Stanora	4 / 545

GKIP


Great Kirav Independence Party Plaiduv Viutikordh Ambrikiravsk

Flag

States	Serikorda
Headquarters	Kirav City, Kannur
Chairman	G.K. Indepencerton
Whip	Some Guy
Platform	Great Kirav independence Insularism Territorial nationalism Cisatrassicism
Voter Base	Small
Conference	Labour Front of Kirav (observer)

Federal Stanora	212 / 545

The Great Kirav Independence Party (Kiravic: Plaiduv Viutikordh Ambrikiravsk) is a minor Kiravian political party that advocates for Great Kirav and its constituent provinces to secede from the Kiravian Federacy and Collectivity and become an independent federal republic. Great Kirav is the metropole of the two entities in question; however, GKIP maintains that the post-reunification constitutional and political framework disadvantages the mainland provinces for the benefit of the overseas provinces, and threatens to make Great Kirav effectively "a colony of its colonies". The Party is supportive of downsizing the Kiravian overseas network by gradually relinquishing KF control of such possessions, but ultimately believes that removing Great Kirav itself from the Federacy is a more feasible strategy given the structure of the KF constitution and foreseeable political conditions.

Platform

The central doctrine of the GKIP platform is:

The 1987 constitution and federal policy under all subsequent administrations have been principally directed toward maintaining and expanding an empire.
Whereas under a classical colonial empire value is extracted from the colonies to enrich the metropole, under the Kiravian neo-empire the resources of the putative metropole are used to support the colonies and perpetuate the neo-imperial project as an end in itself.
This state of affairs was engineered by a concert of narrow élite interests - the military-industrial complex, Renaissance Party nomenklatura, certain business entities, and the bureaucratic corps - who seek to preserve and expand it for their own benefit.
This arrangement is actively detrimental to the economic development of Great Kirav (especially its inland provinces) and subverts the equal dignity and democratic rights of Mainlanders.

GKIP claims that the financial burden of the defence spending and other government expenditure required for the upkeep of the overseas provinces is excessive and not justifiable by any modern, democratic standard of the public interest, and also that this burden is borne mostly by the mainland. It also claims that the diversion of tax revenues and government spending toward sustaining the empire retards the development of the lower-income mainland provinces.

The left-right spectrum does not enjoy wide currency in Kiravia, but Occidental observers of Kiravian politics generally categorise GKIP as a centre-left party for historical reasons: The party grew out of the movement against Kiravian reunification, the base of which was homogeneously left-wing in opposition to the majority right-wing National Reunification Front coming to power on the Mainland. The founders of GKIP all had some level of background in the Kirosocialist movement, though the party itself is not socialist or aiming to restore the Kiravian Union. The party does not subscribe to any particular fiscal-economic ideology, and notes that it includes both liberals and protectionists in its organisation.

Exit Strategy

As of its 2007 manifesto, GKIP's vision for Great Kirav's separation from the Kiravian Federacy follows a model dubbed "Paulastrafication" (Pávlastrasoiktor), referencing the peaceful and amicable manner in which Paulastra became independent from Kiravian colonial rule. Whereas Paulastra erected its own monarchy while recognising the symbolic authority of the Marble Emperor, the GKIP envisions a Republic of Kirav as a federative crowned republic with the Emperor as its direct head-of-state.

GKIP's preferred process for independence is for each province in Great Kirav to receive "self-rule under the Emperor" in their own right, and then for these provinces to accede to the Republic of Kirav.

According to Simon Ruhnama, "What the Federacy does after Great Kirav leaves is its own business", and that the Republic of Kirav should maintain "good relations but no obligations" toward a rump Federacy and/or any other post-Federacy independent states. The party rejects proposals for a looser federal/confederal structure, a supranational or intergovernmental successor to the Federacy, or relationships of free association between the Republic of Kirav and former colonies, saying that such structures would only "incubate the reëmergence of empire". Some individual party members have expressed hostility toward a "Second Remnant" and stated that they would prefer that former Kiravian colonies be annexed to or vassalised by friendly foreign powers if unable to survive independently.

GKIP says it would "come to a transitional arrangement" with a rump Federacy allowing it to retain the District of Ksoīnvra for up to five years while it finds a new seat of government, provided that the Federacy cover the District's utility bills. It would expect that the Interlake Canal District be gifted to the Republic of Kirav upon independence, however.

Activities

GKIP actively campaigns for the ejection of Sydona from the Kiravian Collectivity. In the words of former spokesman Werner Wienerson, "Sydona proves our entire case. The fact that families in Elegia have to pay to subsidise the basket-case economy of a country on the ass-end of the world full of Slavs and Phrygians just because some Kiravian crusaders retired there 800 years ago tells you everything about who's really in charge."

During the 2034 Canespa Crisis, party chief Ahmet Longoślonguv appeared on the AM radio show I Got Court to highlight the inefficiency of the pluricontinental federacy, asking "Say that there were a full ground invasion of Porfíria tomorrow. Forget Great Kirav - how are the Porfírians better off relying on our scattered, overextended military assets for their defence? Wouldn't they be safer joining the NSTA?"

Green Party of Kirav

Yon Pául
Yon Pául
Giovanni di Paolo
Member, Palmetto Coast Legislative Assembly
	Incumbent
	Assumed office ; 2018
Preceded by	Luigi Vampa
Constituency	Capistranuv Countyship
Personal details
Born	1981 AD; Avenasar, Aventurine Bay Colony
Political party	Libertarian
Residence	Serramana, Palmetto Coast
Education	SUSA 1°

	National Power Party; Plaiduv Ğudra'ārá
	; Emblem
States	Fariva, Æonaran states
Headquarters	Mandrasar, Fariva
National Commander	Írardus Sētespion;
Chief Political Officer	Marsellín Kótdivoir
Platform	National liberalism; Nolanism; Humanitarianism; Semi-presidentialism; Soft Insularism; factions:; Liberal Restarkism; Constitutional patriotism; Civil libertarianism; Historical:; Restarkism (1949-1992); Soft Ultramarinism
Voter Base	Metropolitan liberals
Conferences	Multistate Democratic Convention
	;
Federal Caucus	non-inscrit
Electoral Symbol	Lightning bolt
Mandrasar City Council	2 / 7
Federal Stanora	0 / 545

	Caucus of Democrats & Independents; Kadastra Thāruāritarisēskya us Vìutikulya
	File:Kashiyatra-logo.png; Logo
Headquarters	№21, 18-ram, E-District, Kartika
Caucus Chair	Ávkusta Tólyatin Śinesékin
Whip	Lardarius Bināryn;
Platform	Big tent; ; Modern liberalism; Radical centrism; Shaftonist democracy; Neoliberalism
Voter Base	The Metics
Conferences	Union of Democrats & Independents
	;
Federal Stanora	27 / 545


Green Party of Kirav Glasiplaiduv Kiravsk

Logo

Headquarters	Kernovek, Serikorda
Chairman	Cládiuv Luatorkár
Whip	Kirmuid Ranapaćukuv
Platform	Green liberalism Liberal democracy Progressivism Populism
Voter Base	Environmentalists Mainland youth Liberals Bahá'ís
Caucus	Third Front

Federal Stanora	55 / 545

The Green Party of Kirav (Kiravic: Glasiplaiduv Kiravsk) was a liberal-democratic and environmentalist political party in the Kiravian Federacy between Reunification and passage of the Anti-Party Law. The Greens came to lead a Third Front between the National Renewal Movement and the People's Alliance, and exerted influence on federal policy during this formative stage of post-unification Kiravian politics. Support for the Greens suddenly imploded in [YEAR] following the controversial indictment of their leader, Cládiuv Luatorkár, on bestiality charges. Consequent power-struggle within the party apparatus and the regulatory burdens imposed by the Anti-Party Law led the party to splinter into several rival factions, none of which would approach the original party's level of success. Nonetheless, the legacy of the Greens and the Green-led Third Front lives on in some currents of the Kiravian Free Alliance and Union of Democrats and Independents.

Background

The reunified Kiravian Federacy in 1985 AD inherited significant environmental challenges incurred by the policies of its predecessor governments. A half-century of rapid and intensive industrialisation on both sides of the Sunderance had resulted in serious pollution problems and ecological degradation in the Overseas as well as Great Kirav. That said, the environmental situation on the Mainland in 1985 was unquestionably worse. Environmental degradation and the extractive policies of the Kiravian Union had devastated rural communities.

Historians of the period contend that discontent over environmental issues was a contributing factor to the widespread popular unrest that preceded the collapse of the Union.

Run

The Greens located their base of support among those Mainland voters, particularly youth, who welcomed the end of Kirosocialism and the opportunity for change, but were wary of the nation's "new management" in the form of the previously Æonara-based political class organised as the National Renewal Movement. Virtually all Kiravians outside the Kirosocialist camp rejoiced at reunification in principle; nonetheless, a significant share of Mainlanders still adhered (perhaps not without merit) to the image that Kiravian Union propaganda had painted of the "Æonara authorities": a coalition of right-wing military honchos and shadowy technocrats with a retinue of atavistic reactionaries and avaricious plutocrats in tow.

Green messaging in the early years of democracy was built around the theme of a "fresh start" (Miśnalōm) that contrasted with triumphalist NRM campaigns claiming credit for "restoring" the constitutional order and Kiravian liberties and People's Alliance campaigns focused on the imperative to protect social progress made under the Kiravian Union. To Kiravians uncomfortable with the dominant narrative of the Remnant defeating the Union and imposing its victorious ideology on Great Kirav, the Greens proclaimed that both regimes had run their course and that reunification was a moment of opportunity to leave Sunderance politics behind and build new, all-inclusive institutions to meet the challenges of a new era.

Platform

Unlike most green parties internationally, the Kiravian Greens were affirmatively capitalist and broadly liberal on economic matters.

Abolition of conscription and general dimilitarisation
Strengthening the legal régime of the Emperor's ownership of the commons
Ideally, a new constitutional convention, or otherwise constitutional amendments toward the following ends:
- Equalisation of the provinces and the expansion of statehood, toward a symmetric federation
- Levelling of citizenship
- Electoral reform: Proportional representation in the Stanora and a sane normal system for electing the PE.
- Open nominations for the Prime Executure
- Executive term limits
- Lowering the voting age to 18
Abolition of the internal passport system
Ban on tetraethyllead

Collapse

The party collapsed after its leader, Cládiuv Luatorkár, was indicted and ultimately convicted on charges of bestiality involving cattle and camelids. Luatorkár maintained his innocence. After his release from prison, Luatorkár found life in Kiravia to be unbearable and moved to Cartadania, where he changed his name to Claudio Espeto and died in obscurity in 2017 AD.

Surviving provincial chapters and splinter groups descended from the Green Party include:

Civilian Ecological Party - A minor party mainly active on demilitarisation, civil liberties, and transparency issues
Democratic Farmers' Party of Intravia
Banana Slug Party of Ilfenóra
Green Party of Exónia Autonomous Countyship - One of two major parties in the locality, alongside the Anti-Masonic Party

Third Front


Third Front Kírover

Logo

Headquarters	Kartika, District of Ksoīnvra
Chairman	Matéuv Dénalin
Whip	Siné Qu'Anon
Platform	Liberal democracy Environmentalism Populism factions: Agrarianism Social liberalism Progressivism Georgism Social credit Green conservatism
Voter Base	Upper Kirav, Indebted farmers, Bahá'ís, Libs
Caucus	Third Front

Federal Stanora	75 / 545

Political Dynamics of the Stanora

The political dynamics of the Stanora are shaped by X main factors:

Coalitional presidentialism -

Party Incohesion - A relatively weak balance of centripetal forces (e.g. party structures and financing, procedural power) against centrifugal forces (committee power, diverging interests of state parties, STV) and legal limits on the institutional power of political groups make for a rather low level of caucus and coalition cohesion relative to most other national legislatures.

MSRP


National Constructive Organisation Xinórabávitoriskorvin

File:DATCO..jpg Flag

States	Nera, Kastera, Hiterna, Etivera, Váuadra, Devalōmara, Entarova, Kannur, Vitrova, Sixuan, Iunnan, Korlēdan, Kiygrava
Headquarters	Irastuv, Nera
Chairman	K.A. Serānian
Whip	V.M. Tāgen-Iribisuv
Platform	State capitalism Productivism Developmentalism Technocracy Industrialism Transatrassicism tendencies: Liberal conservatism Neo-mercantilism Kir nationalism
Voter Base	White-collar workers Kir people
Conference	none

Federal Stanora	55 / 545

Overt agenda: Professional, pragmatist centre-right to right-wing politics. Pro-growth, pro-corporate policies. Supportive of the social order but quiet on any cultural issues.

Covert agenda: Libertarian police state/corporate police state.

Post-Kirsoc non-ideological "party of power" in its states.

Auxibrev
Emperor
Reign	420-469
Successor	Marble Emperor
Children	None
Father	Bruxinev
Mother	Bruxinev's third wife
Born	401
Burial	at sea

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Latest revision as of 04:39, 23 September 2024

Contents

CDI