Pelaxia

Federal Republic of Pelaxia

*República Federal de Pelaxia* (Pelaxian)
*Ripublica Federalã Pelãhia* (Montanaran)
Federal Republic of Pelaxia; República Federal de Pelaxia (Pelaxian); Ripublica Federalã Pelãhia (Montanaran)
	Flag Coat of arms
	Motto: Unitum facimus fortitudinem; ("Unity gives us strength")
	Anthem: None
	Pelaxia in Sarpedon
Capital	Albalitor
Official languages	Pelaxian; Montanaran;
Recognised regional languages	Caphiric Latin; Savrian; Insuo Loa;
Demonym(s)	Pelaxian
Government	Federal parliamentary republic
• President	Matías Mexes
• Prime Minister	Pedro Meireles
Legislature	Federal Parliament
• Upper house	Federal Council
• Lower house	Federal Congress
Establishment
• Union of Termia – Kingdom of Pelaxia	1485
• Pelaxian Republic – First Pelaxian Republic	1804
• Current constitution – Fifth Republic	1964
Area
• Total	1,527,989 km2 (589,960 sq mi)
Population
• Estimate	219,610,000
• Density	143/km2 (370.4/sq mi)
GDP (nominal)	2027 estimate
• Total	$7.210 trillion (13th)
• Per capita	$32.286,35
HDI (2027)	0.820; very high
Currency	Salia (PLS)
Date format	dd-mm-yyyy
Mains electricity	120 V–60 Hz
Driving side	right
Calling code	+17
Internet TLD	.pl

Pelaxia, officially the Federal Republic of Pelaxia (Montanaran: Ripublica Federalã Pelãhia; Pelaxian: República Federal de Pelaxia), is a nation located in western Sarpedon. The nation's metropole is bordered by Caphiria to the north, Volonia to the east, Cartadania to the west via Maribel Island, the region of Ugarit to the south, and shares a maritime border with the Caphiric overseas province of Maristella. Through its overseas possession of Freda Island, located in Australis, Pelaxia shares a maritime border with the Peratran region of Baclovia. Its coast rests on the Kindred Sea and serves as the northwestern border of the Natiserve Bay. Pelaxia is a sovereign federal republic under a parliamentary system, meaning that the nation's head of state, the President, serves a ceremonial role while the head of government, the Prime Minister, is granted executive power. The nation consists of nineteen provinces, three autonomous municipalities, and one overseas collectivity, each having been delegated self-government from the federal government.

The earliest instances of human habitation in Pelaxia began to arrive in the Pelaxian Valley roughly forty-two thousand years ago. The earliest known societies and people groups in the area were the Cognati, or non-Slavic indigenous Sarpedonians with Adonerii and Istroyan cultural influences. The Cognati initially co-existed with the Kosali until the latter were driven out in the 12th Century by the advancing Caphiric hegemony over western Sarpedon. The early forms of the modern West Urlazian groups would begin to emerge under Caphiric rule, first with the Isurians and followed by the Albalitorians; the latter group serving as the earliest instance of not only the modern Pelaxian ethnic group and cultural identity, but also the West Vallosi people and the Delepasians in Vallos during the colonial era. The nation's zenith was during the 15th-17th Centuries which culminated in the establishment of the Carto-Pelaxian Commonwealth. The decline of Pelaxia would begin in the 18th Century, with the Commonwealth dissolving in the 1790s, and the Pelaxian monarchy losing any remaining respectability in the next few decades before its final abolition in 1852 which also saw the remaining colony, the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas, becoming independent.

The current parliamentary system was formalised in the 1960s after the dismantling of the National Restoration regime in 1956 and the subsequent four-year-long constitutional convention which saw the drafting and promulgation of the current Constitution of Pelaxia in 1964. Parliamentarianism was introduced to Pelaxia in response to the presidential authoritarianism that was prevalent in previous republican systems and was largely blamed for ensuring the rise and longevity of the National Restoration system. Since 2021, after the collapse of the right-wing government's parliamentary mandate in response to a series of highly unpopular programs known as the National Rejuvenation Plan, Pelaxia has been governed by a left-wing government that adheres to a Pelaxian variety of Velvetine Socialism known as Meirelesism.

Pelaxia's economy is classified as a mixed economy, with the federal government playing an active role in economic intervention; government ownership is most noticeable in the natural resources sector, and particularly in fossil fuels, which make up around one-quarter of the country's GDP. Through the amount of money made from fossil fuels, Pelaxia maintains an extensive social security system as part of the nation's current government's commitment to both egalitarianism and Marxism as part of the Sixth Republic Project.

Pelaxia is a member of the League of Nations, but is generally non-interventionist in international affairs.

Etymolgy

"Pelaxia" derives from the Latin word "Pelagia", which "pertains to the open sea", in reference to the Kindred Sea where the Pelaxian Coast lies.

History

Pelaxia's history dates back to approximately forty-two thousand years ago with the arrival of the Cognati people, who in subsequent centuries came under the influence of both the Kosali Slavs and, most especially, the Caphiric Latins. It was under Caphiric hegemony that the Union of Termia was enacted in 1485, thus unifying the disparate realms of the Pelaxian Valley under the rule of then-Grand Duke of Agrila Jeronimo de Pardo. Under the House de Pardo, the Kingdom of Pelaxia embarked on a series of ambitious expeditions to Vallos and the islands of the Kindred Sea in hopes of securing the Southern Route to Audonia. The Pelaxian crown reached its zenith after the Great Schism of 1615 shortly after the formation of the Carto-Pelaxian Commonwealth in 1631. By the mid-17th Century, the Commonwealth was among the most powerful nations in Sarpedon with a colonial empire spanning from modern-day Lucrecia to modern-day Castadilla.

The Commonwealth entered into a period of decline during the 18th Century due to political complacency and economic stagnation once the last of the de Pardo monarchs passed away in 1723, resulting in a fifty-year-long interregnum which hastened the realm's rate of decline. It was not until the First Partition of 1772 when a new monarch, this time from the House of Girojon would finally be elected, but it was not enough to prevent the Second and Third Partitions which would finally put an end to the Commonwealth. The resulting instability, as well as the spread of the ideals which have emerged in the Kilikas Enlightenment, would see the first abolition of the Pelaxian monarchy and the establishment of the First Pelaxian Republic in 1804. The First Republic lasted for about ten years before it was dissolved and the Girojons monarchy was restored. Further instability, as well as the loss of its colonies, would see the monarchy abolished once again in 1852. Since then, Pelaxia has been under four more republican constitutions, with the most recent being ratified for the Fifth Republic in 1964.

Antiquity and first Caphiric arrival

The earliest human inhabitants in what is now the Pelaxian Valley first arrived roughly forty-two thousand years ago and primarily resided on the west coast of what is now Pelaxia. These early human inhabitants were among the few non-Slavic indigenous groups in Sarpedon, and were known as the Cognati who had influences from both the Istroyans and the Adonerii Latins. The Cognati had developed an early writing system known as the Cognati script which made use of the ancient Istroyan alphabet as well as elements of the pre-Caphiric Latin alphabet used by the Adonerii, and was used to accompany the Cognati language and was a predominant language in the region from the 7th Century BC until the 1st Century BC. During that time, Cognati society primarily revolved around a social hierarchy with the Cognati royalty being at the top, followed by the nobility, the priesthood, artisans, and slaves. Cognati nobles would regularly convene in a senatorial chamber as part of the fides ("fidelity") social obligation system upheld by the Cognati monarchs which served as the backbone of Cognati society. Through Adonerii outposts in Vallos and the Catenias, the Cognati were introduced to wine, olives, and early iron metalurgy.

Starting in the 4th Century BC, the Cognati would be introduced to the First Caphiric Imperium with the arrival of general Ottiano during one of his campaigns to west Sarpedon. The Cognati homeland were quickly annexed into the Imperium, with the provinces of Pelagia Orientis and Pelagia Occidentis being carved out to ensure efficient integration. Although initially rather peaceful, the Cognati lands would experience rebellions throughout the 1st Century BC, with the most notable rebellion happening in the city of Albalitoria (now Albalitor) in the year 16 BC. To prevent further rebellions, the Imperium would begin appointing Cognati magistrates to handle the governance of the two Pelagia provinces, thus ensuring stability in the region as well as placating the local elite to secure their loyalty.

Caphiric recession

During the 5th Century, the Imperium began to experience a series of internal conflicts which were propagated by Luccino Capontinus and Iscallio Maristo and eventually exacerbated to the point that the First Imperium would enter into a state of civil war for the next half-decade. Although the Imperium did not collapse after the civil war ended, the damages and losses sustained were a contributing factor in its eventual collapse in the 9th Century as well as the loss of the Pelagia provinces. This was the first time since before the 4th Century BC that the Cognati were independent of any foreign rule. This did not mean, however, that the Imperium did not try to reclaim the Cognati lands, but due to its decline it was largely unable to reconquer the region and by the mid-7th Century the First Imperium ceased to make any further attempts at reconquest.

Not too long after the region gained its independence, three indigenous Sarpedonian tribes, known as the Kosali, would begin to cross the Cazuano river where they would establish new settlements which often neighboured existing Cognati settlements. The initial reaction from the Cognati were one of hostility, fearing that they would once again come under foreign rule, but the newcomers would prove themselves to be capable of defending and even counterattacking the Cognati forces. By the time the last of the Cognati forces were subdued by the Kosali, three new Slavic kingdoms would be established in the region; Losa in the east, Ladri in the south, and Klis in the west. The three Kosali kingdoms would introduce their own cultural influences over the Cognati, but nowhere near the historical extent of the Latins and the Istroyans asides from small areas in what is now eastern Pelaxia.

During the Kosali years, a fourth kingdom would be established in what is now western Pelaxia, the Agrila Kingdom. Uniquely, the ruling class of this new kingdom were not Kosalis, but rather the Caphiro-Cognati, or people of Cognati and Caphiric ancestry, and the nascent realm quickly rose to become the leading nation in the region until the rise of Sebastian Pasillas and the Isurian Kingdom in the late 12th Century. Although the ruling classes were of Caphiric ancestry, Agrila remained as an independent nation. The founding monarch of Agrila, King Evaristo, fought against both Kosali and Caphiric forces throughout his reign, with battles against Caphiria transforming from fighting for continued independence and towards fighting for expansion. Independence would not last long, as during the reign of Evaristo's grandson the kingdom would come under the rule of the Second Caphiric Imperium as a grand duchy in the early 11th Century. The legacy of the Agrila Kingdom would be found in the Agrila Code, a patchwork of Kosali, Cognati, and Caphiric laws that would serve as the basis for Pelaxian law throughout the medoeval era.

Isurian Kingdom and Castrillon rule

In the years immediately prior to the collapse of the Second Imperium, during the Great Civil War, one of the most prominent Caphiric aristocrats was Sebastian Pasillas, head of the House of Castrillon, a famed war hero, and an Imperium loyalist. Born in the province of Isuriana, which was located just north of Agrila, Sebastian Pasillas spent much of his upbringing at the Imperial Court of Venceia. During his time at the Imperial Court, Sebastian had gained powerful and highly influential friends up to and including a confidant of the imperial princes. As a loyalist, he had fought in the Great Civil War on the side of Venceia until it became clear that the Imperium was going to collapse. Fearing the turmoil that will emerge once the Imperium collapses, Pasillas made his way back to Isuriana, intending to protect his lands in the region. Upon his return to the Isurian capital of Ozcalo in 1175, he had found out that in his absence the nobles had already declared the region to be an independent kingdom and they had also elected Bermudo Traba as its first king. The news made Pasillas feel slighted as not only did Isuriana chose to split from Caphiria, but also that no one thought to nominate him when he felt confident that he could make for a great king; the truth was that the nobles simply thought Pasillas had died due to lack of communication between Isuriana and Venceia.

Almost as soon as he returned, however, Pasillas began to embark on a series of incursions to the lands in the southern regions the nascent kingdom; some Cognati-Kosali rulers had declared themselves to be in open rebellion against King Bermudo I. These rebellions, which these days are known as the Kazofort Rebellion, proved to be a major turning point in Pasillas' life ever since his flight from Venceia. Initial incursions were met with fierce resistance from the rebel forces, but Pasillas persisted in his efforts knowing that he held the long-term overall advantage in what he saw was a war of attrition; if he could ensure that the Isurian forces would persist then not only would the rebel forces suffer from attrition but it may urge the rebelling noble families to capitulate. In the short-term, this form of warfare was seen as a very bold gamble as it looked like the rebel forces were poised to win, but as the months went by the lack of supplies would hit the rebel forces hard to the point that by the time the rebelling noble families surrendered to Pasillas' forces over ninety percent of the rebel forces were lost due to the lack of supplies; the last Kosali rebellion was crushed and the lands were confiscated and given to lesser Isurian nobles. In recognition for his heroism, Pasillas was made the new Despote of Congnata with his seat being moved to the city of Albalitor as per the Edict of Albalitor.

The House of Castrillon wound up becoming one of the nascent kingdom's most powerful noble houses thanks to the actions of Pasillas. This became especially apparent when one of Pasillas' sons married the eldest daughter of Bermudo I which tied the Castrillons with the Trabas for the rest of the kingdom's existence until it was dissolved as an independent state in 1485. The last of the Traba monarchs of Isuria, King Alfonso I, although a good king, was afflicted with a particularly viral disease which despite making a full recovery had rendered him infertile. To prevent a succession crisis after the death of Alfonso I, the nobility once again had to convene to determine the heir to the Isurian throne; it was hotly contested due to fears of the Castrillons' loyalty to Venceia which was never broken even with the Second Republic, but regardless a slim majority of the nobles present decided to select Bermudo Castrillon to become the heir to Alfonso I on the basis that the Castrillons were the most well-suited for battle. Bermudo became king after his uncle's passing in 1240, thus bringing the kingdom under Castrillon rule.

It was during Bermudo II's reign that the Isurian Kingdom would reach its zenith, being at its wealthiest and its greatest extent territorially. Much of these lands included areas in what are now Caphiria, Cartandania, Pelaxia, and even included the lands of Agrila which Bermudo II was able to subjugate and integrate into the kingdom. It was also Bermudo II's reign that happened to be the last full reign under a completely independent Isurian Kingdom; the end his his reign and the end of full Isurian independence have often been used to symbolise the end of the Isurian golden age. This, however, has been considered by modern historians and popular consensus alike to be a common misconception as both groups consider the Isurian golden age to have ended in the early 14th Century which was roughly two decades after the kingdom became a vassal state of the newly-emerged Third Caphiric Imperium.

Fall of Isuria and the Union of Termia

With the Isurian Kingdom's realignment towards Venceia once again becoming a reality, the kingdom's fortunes began to wane in the 14th Century as most of the latter Castrillon monarchs were noted for being rather weak which often allowed the nobles to get more privileges and often with the threat of deliberately instigating a Caphiric intervention to replace the king if their demands were refused. The weakness of the Isurian monarchs would also ensure that rebellions would emerge once again and this time they would be much more successful; the largest of these revolts led to the restoration of the Grand Duchy of Agrila as a separate vassal state of the Imperium, but now under the rule of the House de Pardo. As Agrila returned to prominence, Isuria was reduced to being more akin to an aristocratic republic with a highly ceremonial monarch whose powers were greatly limited; the state's decentralisation was becoming especially anachronistic as most Occidental nations had already began to centralise and move away from feudalism.

By the mid-15th Century, Isuria could barely function as a nation; King Sebastian III, although named after the heroic Sebastian Pasillas himself, was a mere puppet that the nobility used to extract privileges and keep away any ideas that could threaten their positions. Sebastian III's nephew Tristan Castrillon, who was greatly inspired by the heroic exploits of Pasillas and feared that the birth of his cousin Reginaldo Castrillon would threaten his position as heir, overthrew his uncle and usurped the throne. Although his actions were unpopular amongst the nobility, they were especially popular amongst the peasantry who had suffered for many years in the hands of the nobility. Much of the nobility, as well as the deposed king and his young heir, had fled to Agrila where they were received by Grand Duke Sancho II who gave his support to the legitimist cause against Tristan's rule. The legitimists were eventually able to win once Tristan I died in 1477 after striking himself in the head against a door lintel while he was preparing to lead his forces in the Battle of Funes, and Reginaldo was declared King Reginaldo III. The new king would compromise with the nobility, giving them their privileges while ensuring that the peasantry would retain the rights they had gained under Tristan's rule.

In the 1480s, a new rebel kingdom would emerge as a new rival in the south. The Kingdom of Savria, led by the rogue Didac I who had declared himself to be the protector of the south. Both Isuria and Agrila, which had been in an alliance ever since the enthronement of Reginaldo III, had teamed up to take down the so-called protector of the south. In 1485, Reginaldo III and the new grand duke Jeronimo de Pardo entered into a series of negotiations pertaining to the future of their alliance as well as what they needed to do with Didac I. To two quickly agreed that Didac would need to be deposed fast, but they understood that remaining as two separate realms would be very difficult. The final agreement, known as the Union of Termia, would merge Agrila and Isuria into a new kingdom with the name Pelaxia; Jeronimo was to be made the first king of the new realm while Reginaldo was to serve as Jeronimo's chancellor, and to seal the deal Jeronimo was to marry Reginaldo's daughter Josefina. The Kingdom of Pelaxia was declared on the day the Union of Termia came into effect.

Colonial era

Starting in 1487, the nascent Pelaxian kingdom became heavily interested in establishing strategic outposts in the Kindred Sea as well as the subcontinent of Vallos in an effort to gain and maintain control over the hypothetical-turned-proven Southern Route to Audonia. The first of these outposts, which quickly became the Viceroyalty of Puerto Negro (now Puertego), was noted for its abundant resources which the new kingdom began to exploit almost immediately by establishing a very strict labour hierarchy that necessitated participation in the international slave trade with Pelaxia's first slave-owner being Puerto Negro's first viceroy Hernan de Montemayor. Under the tenure of Isabella de la Vega, the ecomienda system was established to formalise the labour hierarchy as well as giving plantation owners a justification to convert labourers to Christianity. Economically, the system was an overall success, giving the viceroyalty a thriving plantation colony by the 18th Century with its main exports being sugar and coffee. The viceroyalty would remain under Pelaxian rule until it declared itself independent in 1904.

On mainland Vallos, what would become the crown jewel of Pelaxia's colonies was first established in 1497 by Isurian captain Mauricio Delepas. Initially an outpost by a nearby bay, the Viceroyalty of Los Rumas (now Castadilla) quickly expanded and became the wealthiest colony of the Pelaxian crown. Unlike Puerto Negro, which was kept under more direct control of the crown, Los Rumas was granted autonomy and even self-government under the terms of the Charter of San Lina as per the policy of descuido saludable ("healthy carelessness"). Indeed, Los Rumas was largely allowed to establish its own constitutional government complete with a legislature, the Supreme Courts in 1529 which initially started off as a unicameral legislature until the establishment of the Council of Burgesses in 1582. Further reforms in the 18th Century would democratise the viceroyalty and expand suffrage to include all wealthy males and local governments were established to delegate the administrative burden. Even the viceroyalty's treatment of indigenous peoples were different from that of Puerto Negro's; indigenous people were permitted certain rights and indigenous aristocrats had their titles recognised and were even permitted to participate in viceregal politics with the only condition being that they would convert to Christianity. Los Rumas would remain under the Pelaxian crown until the final abolition of the monarchy in 1852.

Carto-Pelaxian Commonwealth

Pelaxia remained under Caphiric vassalage until the signing of the Treaty of Broda in 1627. With the advent of the Great Schism of 1615, Pelaxia opted to remain a part of the Latin Church instead of becoming a part of the Caphiric Church and rejected its vassalage as a result. Not wanting to lose control over the strategically vital coasts of the Kindred Sea, the Imperium declared an intervention to depose King Jeronimo III and restore vassalage over the kingdom. Utilising their newfound expertise in navigating the treacherous terrain of Termia, the Pelaxian forces were able to score key victories during its war of independence and even took control of areas as far north as the province of Cartadania. The Treaty of Broda would not only confirm Pelaxia's sovereignty, but also its church's status as being in full communion with the Latin Church as well as confirming its control over Cartadania. The war of independence left Pelaxia in a far stronger position when it ended than when it began.

The next few years were marked by the newly-independent realms being governed by the Grand Council of Alahuela in close cooperation with King Jeronimo III. The primary purpose of the Grand Council was to integrate and harmonise the two realms in preparation for a union of the crowns as well as serving as a constitutional convention that would determine the exact political system of government. The resulting Constitution of the Two Crowns, which was enacted in 1632 alongside the Union of Alahuela, designated the new realm as an equal imperial federation between Pelaxia and Cartadania, provided provisions for an elective monarchy which limited candidates for the nascent imperial throne to the House de Pardo, and included a tricameral legislature which comprised of the Supreme Court, serving as the privy council and consisting of both senior members of the clergy and the government, the Grand Court, serving as the main meeting place for junior members of the clergy and the government as well as the nobility in general, and the General Court, serving as the main meeting place for the merchant class and army generals that was mostly advisory. Both Cartadania and Pelaxia would remain relatively autonomous, complete with their own governments, and although the constitution declared them to be equal it was Cartadania that was the more favoured of the two despite it technically being a republican government, much to the chagrin of the colonial elite in Los Rumas who felt slighted and thus stopped paying homage to their monarch and instead began to pay homage to the physical viceregal crown.

It was during the early imperial years that the Pelaxian crown would reach its zenith, with a government noted for its surprising level of religious tolerance and for its semi-democratic structure that was relatively unheard of throughout much of the Occident. The realm's golden age lasted until the last of the de Pardo monarchs, Emperor Sebastian II, passed away suddenly without any heirs in 1723. Because there was no provisions in place for what to do should the de Pardo line be extinguished, the realm entered into a long interregnum period lasting for almost fifty years. During the interregnum, the Grand Court was put in charge of governing the realm due to its immense power and influence. This allowed for the inherent flaws in the Carto-Pelaxian system to emerge; the semi-democratic nature of the realm meant that most legislative and executive actions were put up to a vote, and with most members of the Grand Council being largely independent of one another there were numerous instances of proposed legislations being killed even when a majority of the Grand Court supported it which were accomplished by a single noble constantly adding on frivolous and often unpopular amendments which would either stall the passage of the proposed legislature or even defeat it outright. This would lead to the realm experiencing huge amounts of instability which allowed for Carto-Pelaxia's enemies to take advantage of the chaos.

The chaos of the interregnum culminated in the First Calamity in 1772 when the realm was defeated by a resurgent Caphiria and by neighbouring Slavic realms which saw Carto-Pelaxia lose significant territory to both. The tremendous loss would finally convince the Grand Court to finally come around to electing a new emperor, which ultimately was Emperor Felipe I of the House of Girojon. However, the election came too late as after the First Calamity it was only a matter of time before Carto-Pelaxia would collapse. The Second Calamity in 1793 saw even further southern lands being lost as well as a viral outbreak which eliminated three-quarters of the nobility that further plunged the realm into instability. Despite various reforms being passed in an effort to rationalise the overly complicated political system, the Third Calamity in 1795 would see Carto-Pelaxia dissolve with the Girojon monarchy, now demoted to a royal family instead of an imperial family, retaining control over Pelaxia and the republican government retaining control over Cartadania.

First republic

Very few Pelaxians were praticularly happy at the retention of the Girojon monarchy over their country as they had long associated the monarchy with Cartadania due to their largely pro-Cartadania stance at the expense of Pelaxia. The colonists in Los Rumas were also unhappy with the Girojon's refusal of elevating their status once Carto-Pelaxia was dissolved. This also coincided with the rise of political ideals which have emerged thanks to the Kilikas Enlightenment which called for popular sovereignty, constitutionalism under the rule of law, and the emergence of a new political elite who were chosen based on their merits. All of these ideals were seen by the monarchy as threats to their power and control and thus were steadfastly opposed to them. This resulted in the Albaltor Revolution in 1804 which saw both the military and anti-royalist mobs overthrow the Girojon monarchy, exiling them to Lucrecia, and thus establish Pelaxia's first republican government with the viceroyalties being integrated into Pelaxia proper.

Taking inspiration from the classical republics from centuries ago, the First Republic was established with a triumviral executive which, as the term implies, is shared between three political figures. The triumvirs of the First Republic were Luciano Valera, a radical Delepasianist from Los Rumas who was a firm believer of the ideals of the Kilikas Enlightenment and is often credited with being one of, if not the, first socialist thinker due to his staunch egalitarianism, Santos Navarro, a celebrated military general who considered himself a pan-Pelaxian nationalist who wished to model the Republic around the government structure of the classical Caphiric Republic, and Miguel Torrente, a politically moderate statesman who emphasised economic reforms. Despite their differences, the triumvirs were able to forge a dynamic coalition and enact the Republic's constitution which codified civil liberties, representative government, and the separation of powers.

However, the initial period of optimism quickly ended when the promises of economic prosperity never came to fruition with political instability emerging from disagreements between the triumvirs. Overall discontent with the republic, alongside Delepasian dissatisfaction with having to experience the same instability that the Pelaxian metropole experiences would see the rise in reactionary sentiment amongst the political elite who felt that the problems that plagued the monarchy prior to the Albalitor Revolution were not going away, and so began to seek support from the armed forces in hopes of securing the means necessary to overthrow the Republic and restore the Girojon monarchy. The 1814 counterrevolution would be a success, restoring the state of affairs almost as they were before 1804, but now with certain concessions in an attempt to prevent another republican revolution not long after the royalist restoration.

Girojón restoration

With much of the promises given by the First Republic being largely unfulfilled due to the problems facing the monarchy persisting despite measures to reform the country, the political and military elite had decided to restore the monarchy with the triumviral republic getting overthrown in 1814. Taking some inspiration from the Enlightenment, however, the transitional government had the returning King Fernando I accept a series of constitutional demands which would see the creation of a bicameral parliament more closely inspired by newer republican legislatures; the lower house was to be largely advisory with members of the upper house holding precedence in both legislative and executive matters even if the king's authority was ultimately was paramount over all. This effectively made the newly-restored kingdom into a semi-constitutional monarchy with some absolutist elements that would prove to be the death of the monarchy when future monarchs start taking advantage of them.

Fernando I understood what ultimately brought him to the throne and the concessions and demands made to appease republican elements. One of his first acts was to consolidate his power with the reasoning that he needed the authority if he is ever to correctly perform his duties as king. He made tremendous efforts to placate not only the elites who ensured his enthronement, but to also placate those who had supported the fallen Republic such as appointing a member of the lower house to serve as his advisory head-of-government rather than a member of the upper house or any of the elites that had supported his return, and establishing Pelaxia's first supreme court, formally divorcing him from his judicial roles by delegating them to appointed justices. Nonetheless, he kept the new supreme court under his oversight. These measures, although certainly a step in the right direction, failed to please anyone with the elites displeased with his pandering to republicans and the republicans displeased with his half-measures and unwillingness to sincerely give up his authority. Fernando I would ultimately reign for eleven years until he passed away in 1825.

His son and successor King Felipe II would assume the throne, continuing the policies his late father had pushed for. The primary focus throughout his reign was economic reforms and diplomatic efforts designed to both fix up Pelaxia's long-ailing economy and to restore international relations with the kingdom to facilitate trade. Felipe II's rule was also noted for further centralisation of power to the point that it nearly caused a constitutional crisis when he attempted to unilaterally appoint a new viceroy in Los Rumas without prior consent from the Council of Prefects; not only did this seemingly confirmed fears amongst colonial elite that the Girojons were going to subvert the Charter of San Lina, the constitutional document of the viceroyalty, it also heavily strained relations between Los Rumas and Pelaxia for years. Nonetheless, Felipe II passed the Law of Lords in 1826 which eliminated hereditary election into the legislative upper house. This incident, alongside further pressures to democratise and limit the power of the monarchy, would lead to Felipe II's overthrow in 1837, and he would eventually die in exile in 1845.

Felipe II was succeeded by his nephew King Luciano II whose first task as king was to repair relations between Pelaxia and Los Rumas which he accomplished by making vague promises to elevate the viceroyalty's status to that of a partner in a real union with Pelaxia which mollified the colonists and helped in restoring its reputation in Los Rumas. In Pelaxia, however, Luciano II would prove to be worse than his late grandfather or even his deposed uncle as he embarked on undoing the token reforms that Fernando I had done such as guaranteeing upper house supremacy and limiting the powers of the lower house of the legislature. Increasing authoritarianism aside, Luciano II also built upon the reforms accomplished by his uncle such as modernising the economy, ensuring Pelaxia's diplomatic neutrality as regional tensions rose, and even expanding educational opportunities. Ultimately, however, his subversion of even the constitutional demands made to his grandfather would prove to be his ultimate downfall and in 1852 the military would rise up in revolt against the monarchy in Agrila, scoring both victories and popular support. King Luciano II and the aristocracy would flee to the viceroyalty and establish a short-lived royalist government-in-exile, and the monarchy would be abolished for good in Pelaxia shortly afterward.

Second republic

The Second Republic emerged after the deposition of the Girojon monarchy and the abolition of the nobility, and was a period marked by an intense rivalry between the conservative republican military and the liberal republican organisations which had worked together to overthrow the monarchy. The military, led by Solorio Torres, called for the decentralisation of Pelaxia's culture into the traditional provincial cultures, and the liberal organisations, led by Guillermo Botello, called for a unified Pelaxian culture and the assimilation of all provincial cultures into the Pelaxian culture in Albalitor. Although the two groups held differing opinions on whether or not the national culture should be centralised or decentralised, the two groups ultimately agreed that the republican government should take on a unitary structure, fearing that a federal Pelaxia might risk vulnerability to monarchist influence. Regardless, there still remained a sizeable faction of republics who advocated for a federal government, and the establishment of a new legislative upper house to represent the provinces. The federalists remained a minority throughout the 1850s and 1860s.

The two biggest issues which have plagued the Second Republic, asides from the conservative-liberal rivalry, were regional unrest in areas which were vehemently opposed to the establishment of the republic due to the rights and privileges that they were granted during the years of the old monarchy and fears over their potential abolition due to their roots in feudalism which by the 19th Century had long since fallen out of fashion, and suspicions of Caphiric interference which gave birth to fears that the Imperium might try to destabilise Pelaxia in order to invade and conquer the lands so as to integrate them as new provinces. These fears were exacerbated when the provinces of Paluzar, Mirlia, and Cafir attempted to secede from the Republic in 1873 due to lack of assurances that their respective local governments would be preserved rather than forcibly abolished. The potential rebellion and possible collapse of Pelaxia were halted only by the election of Raul Solis from the federalist faction who promised to honour the rights and privileges of the autonomous regions in return for their participation in a new constitutional convention which would attempt to solve the inherent issues and difficulties which were prevalent in the Second Republic at that time.

Third republic

Following the federalist constitutional convention, the new constitution was enacted in 1876. Among the changes made to the Republic was the creation of the Federal Council to represent the states while the Chamber of Deputies was renamed to the Federal Congress and was designated to represent the people directly. The establishment of subnational provincial governments allowed for the historically autonomous regions to not only retain much of their rights and privileges, but also to codify them into their respective provincial constitutions. By quelling regionalist dissent in a relatively peaceful and diplomatic matter and building the basic foundations of the modern Pelaxian state, Raul Solis had managed to not only save his country from imminent collapse, but also put an end to the strato-political rivalries that had plagued the Second Republic by uniting the two factions behind the federalist cause.

A staunch conservative, Solis had actually been closely-aligned with the liberals in terms of cultural centralisation; he was the forefather of pelaxianisation policies designed to assimilate the provincial minorities whether they be Cartadanians, Caphiric people, Savrians, or the few remaining Slavic groups found in southern Pelaxia. His reasoning for the implementation of assimilationist policies was to sort people into their respective linguistic and religious "tribes" and to insistently convert them over the generations. Of the minorities, he had push for assimilation the hardest on the Caphiric minority which he held an immense dislike towards due to suspicions of them potentially holding dual loyalty with respect to the Imperium. Indeed, Solis held immense pride in never having met a Caphiric person in his hometown and wished that other towns would have as little Caphiric people as his hometown had. Another target for pelaxianisation was the Isurians as part of the rising anti-Isurianist sentiment which had emerged for the same reasons as anti-Caphiric sentiments, with Isurians being on the receiving end of persecution far more often than even the Caphiric Latins.

Socialism also entered into the political mainstream during the Third Republic, and were seen by Solis as a significant threat to the Pelaxian nation, but he also understood that merely suppressing them would not quell calls for social reform. In response, Solis opted to embrace paternalistic conservatism and began to implement social welfare policies under a program he called Practical Socialism which was designed to siphon support from socialist movements by appeasing the working class. Despite these policies, however, Solis remained skeptical of some labour laws such as mandatory safe working conditions, the banning if child labour, and the regulation of women's labour. He believed that such laws would be a form of state coercion that would ultimately harm production by reducing work overall. Practical Socialism instituted maximum work hours, a mandated minimum wage, health insurance programs, and an old-age pension for retirees. These programs proved to be a success in almost every regard, save for its intended purpose of siphoning support from socialist movements as said movements would only grow larger in the coming decades.

Dictatorial republic

The end of the Third Republic came when the armed forces declared martial law due to the government's seeming incompetence to handle the financial crisis which had emerged shortly after the end of the First Great War. During this time, the nation was ruled by a series of ultranationalist generals under an intensely centralised and authoritarian government. The first of the military presidents during this period was Benedicto Camargo who formalised the fundamental ideological guidelines of the nascent regime. Under Camarguism, the offices of President (Caudillo throughout much of the regime's existence) and Prime Minister were held by the same person which effectively centralised power in one person, corporatism was embraced greatly with the regime's upper house being established to represent the corporate groups, the Catholic Church was given sweeping privileges under the policy of National Catholicism, civil and political liberties were curtailed, and anti-Socialist, anti-Isurian, and anti-Caphiric sentiments became official government policies in the Pelaxian Constitution of 1923. Irredentism also entered into the political mainstream, calling for the retention and even restoration of lands considered to be rightfully Pelaxian.

Camargo's sudden death from a heart attack in 1936 would see the rise of Camargo's successor Jacobo Bras who mostly stayed true to Camargo's policy with his most significant contribution being the establishment of the National Restoration Party which all citizens were ordered to join; beforehand all government ministers and legislators were politically independent. It was during Bras' rule that the National Restoration regime would reach its zenith in popularity due to the Second Great War, but once the war was over people began to demand a return to democracy; to their mind the seeming purpose of the regime has been fulfilled and thus constitutional rule of law can return. Instead, Bras decided to attempt an autocoup in 1947 to try and turn the regime into a personalist dictatorship. The attempt was foiled by the moderate "blue" faction of the National Restoration Party, and Bras was forcibly removed from power and executed for high treason against the nation.

The head of the "blue" faction, Diego Arencibia, proclaimed himself to be the next President of Pelaxia after the deposition of Bras, abandoning the title of Caudillo used by his predecessors. Arencibia considered himself to be a staunch republican despite his ultraconservative views. Indeed, one of his first acts was to rebrand the National Restoration Party into the National Democracy Party and allowed the establishment of opposition parties to occur, reserving forty percent of the National Congress to them as well. Arencibia plans were to gradually transition the regime towards a limited democracy, hold a constitutional convention to establish a new republican government, and dismantle Camarguism. The period of limited democracy would last from 1948 until 1956 when the four-year constitutional convention was held; among the most significant changes made to the Republic in the convention was the reduction of presidential power to the point that the presidency became a ceremonial figure, this being done due to a new aversion that had emerged towards an empowered executive due to its association with the authoritarian policies of the National Restoration period. After the new constitution was drafted in 1960, there remained a four-year transitional period in which Arencibia gradually delegated power to his new Prime Minister Frederico Olmos. Once the Fifth Republic began in 1964, Arencibia would remain as a ceremonial president until his death in 1977.

Fifth republic

The Fifth Republic began with a brief economic boom period in light of the newly-liberalised economy under the governance of the christian democratic People's Action Party. The early decades of the Fifth Republic were dominated by an intense anti-socialist and anti-Caphiric rhetoric and saw both socialist parties and groups deemed to be sympathetic towards Caphiria, such as the Isurians, being actively cracked down upon. This rhetoric largely led to the cooling of relations between the Republic and countries like Delepasia and Lucrecia which have held far less hostile views towards the Isurians since even before the 1960s. The cracking down of both left-wing and suspected pro-Caphiric groups would eventually boil over in the late 1970s when the period of economic boom had largely ended. The boiling over of what was becoming an increasingly polarised political sphere in Pelaxia would transform into the "Years of Steel" in reference to the "steelheads", a faction of exiled hardline Delepasian Marxists who had hoped to pressure the Pelaxian government into ending the crackdown on socialist groups. Likewise, Isurian terror groups would also emerge at around this time in opposition to the continued persecution and forced assimilation of the Republic's Isurian minority.

The end of the "Years of Steel" came in 1995 when the People's Action Party was embroiled in a massive corruption scandal which also implicated all of the establishment parties of the Republic. This scandal, known as Operation Powerwash, brought forth the 1995 Pelaxian national crisis as voters began to express disenchantment with the post-nationalist government and the centre-right political establishment's stranglehold on political power. The result was that Christian democracy became a discredited ideology due to its affiliation with the publicly-disgraced PAP. In that year's elections, the splinter party Together for Pelaxia stood at a distant fourth place while the nascent socially liberal Fighting Margarita Party won a supermajority in both legislative houses. The Fighting Margarita government represented a departure from the old political establishment which saw the Catholic Church maintain an active role in Pelaxian politics; one of the first acts passed by the socially liberal government was the policy of laicidad ("laicity") which permanently wrenched the temporal political sphere away from Catholic influence and entrenched the strict separation of church and state into the consitution. In 2003, Pelaxia would once again be plunged into a national crisis when Prime Minister Pedro del Rio was assassinated by a neo-Camarguist. Although the Fighting Margarita government was able to survive the crisis, their next leader Frederico Castro was nowhere near as popular as del Rio was.

The elections of 2007 would see the rise of the right-wing Law & Justice Party under the leadership of Diego Marquez which had taken advantage of the 2003 crisis by focusing on policies of bolstering national security and punitive measures against crime. The period of PLJ rule is often associated with increasing authoritarianism and democratic backsliding similar to what was occurring in Almadaria as well as the dismantling of welfare programs as part of the PLJ's austerity measures while investing the money into moderate military build-ups and national security. The gutting of welfare programs was highly controversial and immensely unpopular with the Pelaxian populace which saw many dissatisfied voters turning towards socialist groups which have largely been fragmented throughout much of the Fifth Republic's existence until the rise of the Social-Labourist Movement which was able to unite the disparate left-wing groups under the populist leadership of Pedro Meireles. The PLJ would attempt to consolidate power against the rising popularity of the MSO by implementing a series of programs known as the National Rejuvenation Plan which would attempt to ensure the PLJ's contniued rule for many years, but instead it resulted in the 2021 Pelaxian national crisis which saw the PLJ collapse as a political force in that year's elections and would see the MSO elected in one of the largest supermajorities in Pelaxian history.

Since 2021, the MSO has implemented an adaptation of Velvetine Socialism known as Meirelesism which saw the restoration and even expansion of the gutted welfare programs as well as constitutional reforms to prevent a repeat of the anti-democratic policies and actions done by the previous PLJ government.

Geography and Climate

Pelaxia is located in western Sarpedon. It is bordered by Caphiria in the north, Volonia to the east, and shares an island in the Kindred Sea with Cartadania. Its coast rests on the Kindred Sea. It extends around 1,614,728 square kilometers.

Pelaxia is mostrly located in the tropics below the Equator. Its climate varies from humid low-elevation plains, where average annual temperatures range as high as 35 °C (95.0 °F), and highlands with an average yearly temperature of 8 °C (46.4 °F). Annual rainfall varies from 430 mm (16.9 in) in the tropical and subtropical centre and south to over 1,000 mm (39.4 in) in the Cazuello Delta of the far west and the Pelaxian Jungle in the north. The precipitation level is lower in the period from August through April. These periods are referred to as hot-humid and cold-dry seasons.

The country falls into four horizontal temperature zones based primarily on elevation, having tropical, dry, temperate with dry winters, and polar (alpine tundra) climates, amongst others. In the tropical zone—below 800 m (2,625 ft)—temperatures are hot, with yearly averages ranging between 26 and 28 °C (78.8 and 82.4 °F). The temperate zone ranges between 800 and 2,000 m (2,625 and 6,562 ft) with averages from 12 to 25 °C (53.6 to 77.0 °F); many of Pelaxia's cities.

The highest temperature recorded was 42 °C (108 °F) in Albalitor, and the lowest temperature recorded was −11 °C (12 °F), it has been reported from an uninhabited high altitude at Jusonia Mayor. The regions around the Paluzón has exposed an enormous amount of mineral wealth, making it accessible to mining. Cobalt, copper, cadmium, industrial and gem-quality diamonds, gold, silver, zinc, manganese, tin, germanium, uranium, radium, bauxite, iron ore, and coal are all found in plentiful supply.

**Average Monthly Temperatures, Rainfall, and Rain Days in Pelaxia (Cfa Climate, Southern Hemisphere)**
Month	🔥 Absolute Max	🌡️ Average High	🌡️ Average Mid	🌡️ Average Low	❄️ Absolute Low	🌧️ Average Rainfall (mm)	☔️ Avg Rain Days
January	38°C	32°C	28°C	24°C	18°C	150	10
February	37°C	31°C	27°C	23°C	17°C	140	9
March	35°C	30°C	26°C	21°C	16°C	100	8
April	32°C	28°C	24°C	19°C	15°C	90	7
May	29°C	26°C	23°C	17°C	13°C	70	6
June	27°C	24°C	21°C	15°C	12°C	50	5
July	27°C	24°C	20°C	14°C	10°C	60	6
August	28°C	25°C	21°C	15°C	11°C	70	7
September	30°C	26°C	22°C	16°C	13°C	80	8
October	32°C	28°C	24°C	19°C	15°C	90	9
November	35°C	30°C	26°C	21°C	17°C	110	10
December	36°C	31°C	27°C	22°C	18°C	140	11

The Jusonias Islands also known informally as the Jusonias, are a province and archipelago in the Kindred Sea. They are the southernmost of the provinces of Pelaxia. The 15 islands are (from largest to smallest in area) Jusonia Mayor, Nerea, Telenea, Palimede, Calipso, Calia, Rosalibán, Porix, Epimea, Narvos, Bebiona, Cebrenia, Elinda, Emporia and Sinón. The islands take its name from the ancient Loa word for "East" (Huson). In ancient times, the island chain was often referred to as "the East Isles".

Jusonia Mayor holds the largest naval base of the Pelaxian Armed Forces at Puerto Bailén.

Isla Maribel is the other oversea territory administred by Pelaxia over the Kindred Sea. It consists of half of Maribel Island, as the other half is under Cartadanian administration. It is the northernmost territory of Pelaxia.

Pelaxian jungle extends over the Caphirian border.
Characteristic red soil.
Floating plants in the northern delta.
As you go to the south and east, the jungle gives way to the prairies.
Pelaxian central coast.
Jusonia Mayor.

Administrative Divisions

Pelaxia is a federation divided into 19 provinces, 3 Autonomous Communities, and 1 Overseas Collectivity. The territory is itself comprised by more than 6,000 marcas or municipalities.

Provinces and Autonomous Communities hold elections and elect representation to the Federal Parliament. While Autonomous Regions have governors appointed by the Federal Chancellor. Provinces enact their own constitution have autonomous administrations, collect their own taxes and receive a share of taxes collected by the Federal government. They have a governor and a unicameral or bicameral legislative body elected directly by their voters. They also have independent Courts of Law for common justice. Despite this, provinces have much less autonomy to create their own laws. For example, criminal and civil laws can be voted by only the federal bicameral Parliament and are uniform throughout the country.

The states and the federal district are grouped into regions: Northern, Northeast, Central, Central-West, Southeast, Southern and Jusonia. The Pelaxians regions are merely geographical, not political or administrative divisions, and they do not have any specific form of government. Although defined by law, Pelaxian regions serve mainly statistical purposes, and also to define the distribution of federal funds in development projects.

Marcas or municipalities, as the provinces have autonomous administrations, collect their own taxes and receive a share of taxes collected by the federal and provincial government. Each has an elected mayor and legislative body, but no separate Court of Law.

Indeed, in certain cases a political and administrative authority encompassing two administration can be formed as a Comarca such as with Albalitor City. Since the 1980s the city's population and economic growth has lead to the enlargement of the metropolitan area far beyond the traditional limits of the city's services. This the Albalitorian Comarca Act of 1994 was passed creating a single inter-provincial administrative unit for the provision of services and security within the Albalitorian Metropolitan Area (AMAL). The city's official name is since Ciudad Comarca de Albalitor (CICAL)

Provinces

The layout of Pelaxia's provinces closely follows the pattern of the territorial division of the country carried out in 1874. The only major change of provincial borders since that time has been the creation of the Autonomous Community of Anastasio Torque. Historically, the provinces served mainly as transmission belts for policies enacted in Albalitor, as Pelaxia was a highly centralised state for most of its modern history. The importance of the provinces has increased after the estabnlishment of the federation, giving them more autonomy over certain areas of governance. The 19 provinces are:

Autonomous Communities

Autonomous City of Albalitor

Politics

Pelaxia is a federal republic under a parliamentary system, itself having been established in 1964 after the promulgation of the current Constitution of Pelaxia in response to the previous semi-presidential and dictatorial systems which were noted for having numerous leaders who exercised some highly authoritarian measures, even during the mostly democratic Third Republic. Under the Fifth Republic, executive supremacy was transferred to the Prime Minister with the President serving a purely ceremonial and diplomatic role. The rationale behind this, asides from an aversion to a powerful presidency, was that the Prime Minister would be kept in check by the confidence of the legislature, basically forcing the Prime Minister to rely on continued legislative support to preserve their mandate.

Executive

Legislative

Judicial

Government

By its National Constitution, The Federal Republic of Pelaxia adopts for its government the structure of a federal, parliamentary republic. Every province shall disctate its own Constitución with a parliamentary system in accordance with the principles, declarations and guarantees of the National Constitution.

Legislative: The federal legislative power institutionalized in the Federal Parliament is composed of two chambers. One Chamber of deputies that represents the whole people and one Chamber of senators that represents the provinces. Deputies serve for a period of 5 years while senators serve for a period of 6 years. Members of the Federal Parliament (both deputies and senators) are elected in general, direct, free, equal and secret elections. They shall be representatives of the whole people, not bound by orders or instructions, and responsible only to their conscience. The Federal Parliament shall pass legislation in accordance to the National Constitution.

Executive: The federal executive power is Federal Chancellor, who appoints the Prime Minister of Pelaxia elected by Parliament. The Prime Minister is elected by the Federal Parliament until he loses the support of solely the Chamber of Deputies.The person who receives the votes of a majority of the Members of the Chamber of Deputies shall be elected and appointed. The Federal Chancellor shall appoint his/her members of the cabinet. The Federal Chancellor is elected by direct popular vote every 6 years.

Judicial: The judicial power is vested in the judges; it is exercised by the Federal Supreme Court of Justice, by the federal courts provided for in the National Constitution, by provincial courts and by municipal tribunals.

"The Regia", the Pelaxian Parliament.
House of Deputies of "The Regia".
Federal Supreme Court of Justice Palace.

Political parties

The pelaxian political system is by mandate of the National Constitution a multipartidist one.

Major political parties

Movimiento Social-Obrero - MSO ("Social-Labourist Movement"): The MSO is a left-wing party that emerged from the economic crisis of the early 21st century. Its main expansion and growth occurred during the government of Pedro Meireles, advocating for a productive revolution in Pelaxia towards a stable and mixed model of a social market economy.

Partido Democrático - PD ("Democratic Party"): As the oldest active political party in the country, the PD follows a Christian democratic philosophy and is the founding party of the modern state apparatus. It currently operates as a socially centrist and economically right-wing party, and is skeptical of Caphirian integration.

Partido Agostista - AGO ("Augustist Party"): Foundational party of the 20th-century democratic process, historically representing a third-way, big tent ideology. It promotes economic pragmatism oriented towards national sovereignty and autonomy, advocating for a market economy with active state participation as a mediator between different political-economic agents.

Partido Socialista - PS ("Socialist Party"): A historically center-left party that has lost significant electoral ground to the MSO in recent decades.

Acción Republicana Independiente - ARI ("Independent Republican Action"): A centrist party, economically left-leaning and socially centrist.

Juntos Por Pelaxia - JXP ("Together For Pelaxia"): A center-right party that is anti-communist and advocates for pan-Sarpedonian interests.

Partido Social-demócrata - PSD ("Social-Democratic Party"): A center-left party re-formed in response to the growth of left-wing and far-left parties since the early 21st century. The current Prime Minister belongs to this party. Skeptical of Caphirian integration.

¡AHORA! ("NOW!"): An ecological party whose main platform is to accelerate the country's transition to renewable energy sources.

Libertad y Progreso - LYP ("Liberty and Progress"): A far-right party with a paleo-libertarian and neo-conservative ideology.

Coherencia Civica - CC ("Civic Coherence"): A centrist party.

Liga de Defensa Nacional - LDN ("National Defense League"): An extreme right-wing party with nationalist, neo-conservative tendencies, and a "pro-Pelaxia" stance. Skeptical of both Caphirian and Sarpedonian integration.

Minor political parties with a provincial presence

Partido de los Trabajadores Socialistas - PTS
Unión Católica - UC
Partido Independiente de Savria - PIS
Estrella de David - ED
Igualdad Socialista - ISOC
Tercera Vía - 3V
Partido Humanista de Pelaxia - PHP
Partido Pelaxia de la Información - PPI

Law Enforcement

Due to its federalist constitution, law enforcement in Pelaxia is vested mostly with the provinces, which is one of the main features of the pelaxian political system. Therefore, every provincial government administrates its local police force through their own ministry of security. Since the capital (Albalitor) has autonomous status, it also administrates its local police force.

Pelaxian Federal Police

The role of the PFP is to enforce the Federal Republic criminal law and to protect Federal and national interests from crime in Pelaxia and overseas. The PFP is Pelaxia's international law enforcement and policing representative, and the Government's chief source of advice on policing issues. The PFP exists within the portfolio of the Ministry of Security and Boundries, and the key priorities of the force are set by the Minister.

The PFP enforces Federal law and protects Federal and national interests from crime in Pelaxia and overseas. The PFP provides community policing more actively to the ACT, the Vilamarín Metropolitan Area, Albalitor Metropolitan Area, and around the anarcho-communist territories. The PFP provides protective security for (and on behalf of) the Pelaxian Government.

The PFP is Pelaxia's international law enforcement and policing representative, and is the chief advisor on policing issues to the Pelaxian Government. The PFP maintains an extensive international liaison network, officers are posted to 11 international posts. The PFP works closely and collaboratively with all Pelaxian police forces and criminal investigative agencies and Crime Commissions.

The PFP consists of a workforce of over 600,000. The Pelaxian Federal Police Act 1880 is the legislative base for the employment of all PFP staff. Each employee is described in the legislation as an PFP Employee, who are then declared as either a Federal agent or Police Officer(Uniform Protection Officer/Protective Service Division/Customs Service Division)

Areas of focus for the PFP

Illicit drug trafficking
Organised people smuggling
Human Trafficking, including sexual servitude and human explotation
Serious major fraud against the Government
High Tech Crime involving information technology and communications
Tax evasion
Customs and ports of entry control
Airport security
Preventing, countering and investigating terrorism
Transnational and multi-jurisdictional crime
Money laundering
Organised crime

Federal Civil Guard

The Pelaxian Federal Civil Guard or "The Guard" is the paramilitary corps of border guards of The Federal Republic of Pelaxia.

The Federal Guard has a strength of 1,350,000.The Federal Guard is primarily a frontier guard support force but also fulfils other important roles for internal security.

Non-commissioned personnel of the Guard are all volunteers and receive their training in the force's own comprehensive system of training institutions. Officers graduate after a four-year course at the National Federal Military Guard Academy. Both officers and non-commissioned personnel have access to the specialist training establishments of the Army.

The Guard was created in 1838 by The Regia, and replaced the regiments of the Army which previously fulfilled the Guard's missions. The Federal Guard was particularly tasked with providing security in isolated and sparsely populated frontier regions which had only been settled relatively recently and still do in the East Pelaxia territories. In many senses the Guard may still be considered an adjunct of the Pelaxian Army.

The Guard's mission and functions are concerned with both domestic security and national defense.

According to the Pelaxian Constitution, the armed forces cannot intervene in internal civil conflicts, so the Federal Guard is subordinate to the Ministry of Security. It is defined as a civilian "security force of a military nature". It maintains a functional relationship with the Ministry of Defense, as part of both the National Defense System and the Interior Security System. It therefore maintains capabilities arising from the demands required by joint military planning with the armed forces.

Areas of focus for the Guard

Assisting provincial and federal police services in maintaining public security.
Providing security for Pelaxia's borders in cooperation with the Pelaxian Federal Police.
Providing security for places of national strategic importance.
Law enforcement in all Pelaxian territory, excluding cities above 20,000 inhabitants.
Highway patrol.
Military police as part of military deployments overseas.
Counter drugs operations.
Anti-smuggling operations.
Coast Guard
Intelligence, counterterrorism and counter-intelligence gathering

The FMG is also used for other security missions, which include:

Guard Special Operations Group "Pantera" is a regiment of military police/anti-terrorism unit. The usual roles are:

Military, common with all other airborne/special operation forces troops;
Law-enforcement, supporting the Federal law-enforcement units in dangerous areas (homeland security e.g. mafia investigations, violent riots) and VIP escort and security service.

Military

Economy

Pelaxia is mostly a socialist market economy that incentives social ownership and democratic control of means of production effectively and constantly in various forms such as public, cooperative, collective ownership with the possibility of combining the three. In this sense it discourages the existence of private ownership of means of production (private property), but completely upholds and defends the right to personal property. Pelaxia mostly utilizes the market mechanism for the allocation of capital goods and the means of production although there is an edge for central or local intervention/planning.

Public Ownership: refers to property interests that are vested in the state or a public body representing a community as opposed to an individual or private party. State ownership may refer to ownership and control of any asset, industry, or enterprise at any level (national, regional, local or municipal); or to non-governmental public ownership. The Pelaxian Federal government may own partially in this sense the Banking System and several means of transportation (trains, highways) among other, while municipal and provincial jurisdictions may own and distribute lands articulately, although anarcho-communism may exist in some rural municipalities.

Cooperative: autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic, social, and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly owned and democratically controlled business. Worker cooperatives are owned and self-managed by its workers. A cooperative enterprise may mean a firm where every worker-owner participates in decision-making in a democratic fashion, or it may refer to one in which management is elected by every worker-owner, and it can refer to a situation in which managers are considered, and treated as, workers of the firm. There are many variations of self-management. In some variants, all the worker-members manage the enterprise directly through assemblies; in other forms, workers exercise management functions indirectly through the election of specialist managers. Self-management may include worker supervision and oversight of an organization by elected bodies, the election of specialized managers, or self-directed management without any specialized managers as such. The goals of self-management are to improve performance by granting workers greater autonomy in their day-to-day operations, boosting morale, reducing alienation, and when paired with employee ownership, eliminating exploitation.

Collective Ownership: ownership of industrial assets or land by all members of a group for the benefit of all its members. It is distinguished from common ownership, which implies open-access, the holding of assets in common, and the negation of ownership.

As it was said, the state has large ownership positions in key industrial sectors, such as the strategic petroleum sector (PETROPEL), hydroelectric energy production (PEL), and wind energy production(Ventura).

Pelaxia has a 18 million deadweight tonnage merchant fleet with a total of 681 vessels of different types (bulk carrier 105, cargo 42, carrier 1, chemical tanker 164, container 21, liquefied gas 28, passenger 25, passenger/cargo 154, petroleum tanker 59, refrigerated cargo 4, roll on/roll off 39, specialized tanker 9, vehicle carrier 30)

Fondo de Soberanía Nacional

The FOSNA was set up in 2002 to underpin long-term considerations when phasing petroleum revenues into the Pelaxian economy

FOSNA manages the fund on behalf of the Ministry of Economy and Finance, which owns the fund on behalf of the Pelaxian people. The ministry determines the fund’s investment strategy, following advice from among others investment funds and discussions in Parliament. The management mandate defines the investment universe and the fund's strategic reference index. The ministry regularly transfers petroleum revenue to the fund. The capital is invested abroad, to avoid overheating the Pelaxian economy and to shield it from the effects of oil price fluctuations. The fund invests in international equity and fixed-income markets and real estate. The aim is to have a diversified investment mix that will give the highest possible risk-adjusted return within the guidelines set by the ministry.

The fund was set up to give the government room for manoeuvring in fiscal policy should oil prices drop or the mainland economy contract. It also served as a tool to manage the financial challenges of an ageing population and an expected drop in petroleum revenue. The fund was designed to be invested for the long term, but in a way that made it possible to draw on when required.

The fund is an integrated part of the government’s annual budget. Its capital inflow consists of all government petroleum revenue, net financial transactions related to petroleum activities, net of what is spent to balance the state’s non-oil budget deficit. This means the fund is fully integrated with the state budget and that net allocations to the fund reflect the total budget surplus, including petroleum revenue. Fiscal policy is based on the guideline that over time the structural, non-oil budget deficit shall correspond to the real return on the fund, estimated at 30 percent. The so-called spending rule, stating that no more than 30 percent of the fund over time should be spent on the annual national budget, was first established in 2015.

The FOSNA aims to make the most of its two distinguishing characteristics, its long-term approach and its considerable size, to generate strong returns and safeguard wealth for future generations. It aims to invest in a wide range of countries, companies and assets to obtain the highest possible return with moderate risk as laid down by the Ministry of Economy and Finance. The fund cannot be invested in Pelaxia. The Federal Public Income Agency (AFIP) oversees deeply the functioning and capital movement from the organization to the Pelaxian Government, separately.

Infrastructure and Transportation

With its strategic position on the coast of the Kindred Sea, Pelaxia is a transport hub into Vallos. Its road network is among the densest in Sarpedon.The motorway developed in the 1960s is widely known for having special ingenuity in order to traverse litoral geographic accidents in the northern region that connect into Caphiria. The largest Pelaxian airports are Albalitor International Airport, Villa Delfia Airport and Paluzar Airport while they are in total around another 1,000 smaller airports throughout the country..The Port of Albalitor is one of the twenty largest container ports in the world.

The energy grid meets the country's power demands using 40% fossil fuels while 35% is satisfied through hydroelectric power, and it has been called an "early leader" in hydroelectric energy. Most of these hydroelectric installations are located in the northern region of the country, a region historically crippled by an increasing population and thus a steady high demand for power which has led to seasonal major power outages in the most populated urban centers. Pelaxian roads are the primary carriers of freight and passenger traffic. The road system totaled 2,720,000 km in 2029.The total of paved roads increased from 60,496 km in 1967 to 515,000 km in 2028.

In Pelaxia, the infrastructure landscape differs significantly from many other nations, particularly in terms of energy production and reliance on nuclear power. Unlike several countries that heavily rely on nuclear energy to meet their power needs, Pelaxia maintains a unique stance with minimal dependence on nuclear power sources.

The Pelaxian energy infrastructure is predominantly fueled by conventional sources. Nuclear power plays a minor role in the nation's energy portfolio, with only one operational nuclear power plant situated outside the city of Jojoba. This single facility represents Pelaxia's limited investment in nuclear energy generation. The decision to maintain a modest nuclear energy sector stems from various factors, including environmental concerns, safety considerations, and lobby from oil and gas stakeholders as well as the government's interest since the 1960s to become an premier oil exporter nation. Pelaxia has opted to prioritize alternative and renewable energy sources, leveraging its abundant natural resources to generate electricity while minimizing reliance on nuclear technology.

Pelaxia's railway system has a long history in the country since the 1850s, and following the conformation of the modern pelaxian state the rail network development and decline has been deeply linked to the national government adherence to provincial integration and presence of federal authority throughout the pelaxian territory, as it is with a vast nation with different regions, customs, climates and languages. Thus the railroad network had its most developments during the 1870s, 1920s, 1930s, 1950s and lately had a resurgence of public works and constructions since the 2010s. Besides these periods of construction, the network had a steady decline since 1945, when emphasis shifted to highway construction. The country's total railway track length was 50,576 km in 2015, as compared with 45,848 km in 1970, making it the second largest railroad network in Sarpedon. Most of the railway system belonged to the Vías de Pelaxia Corporation (VP), which had several of its branches privatized in the 1980s and 1990s.

For freight transport waterways are of importance, e.g. the northern industrial zones of Termia. The country also has 40,000 kilometers of waterways.Coastal shipping links widely separated parts of the country.

Energy

Pelaxia is the 3th largest energy consumer in Sarpedon. At the same time, it is an important oil and gas producer in the region and the world's second largest hydropower producer. The government agencies responsible for energy policy are the Ministry of Petroleum, Mining and Energy, the National Agency for Public Energy(ANEP), the National Commision of Petroleum, Natural Gas and Biofuels and the National Agency for Alternative Energy Development. State-owned companies PETROPEL and PELHYDRO are the major players in Pelaxia's energy sector, as well as Sarpedon’s.

The main characteristic of the Pelaxian energy matrix is that it is much less renewable than that of the world. While in 2029 the world matrix was only 34% made up of renewable energy, Pelaxia's was at 25%. Petroleum and oil products made up 42..3% of the matrix; hydraulic energy, 35.4%; sugar cane derivatives, 8%; natural gas, 12.2%; firewood and charcoal, 2,1%; varied renewable energies, 1.3%; mineral coal, 1%; nuclear, 0.4%, and other non-renewable energies, 0.2%.

In the electric energy matrix, the difference between Pelaxia and the world is less. The Pelaxian electric matrix is composed of: hydroelectric energy, 64.9%; biomass, 8.4%; wind energy, 8.6%; solar electric, 1%; natural gas, 9.3%; oil products, 2%; nuclear, 2.5%; coal and derivatives, 3.3%.

Tourism

Travel and tourism play a significant role in Pelaxia's economy, with a focus on niche attractions such as health, nature, and rural tourism to maintain its competitive edge. Pelaxia ranks among the top 20 most-visited countries, welcoming an average of 20 million foreign tourists annually. Key tourist destinations in Pelaxia include Albalitor, Font, Villa Delfia, and Jusonia Mayor. The Jusonian Islands, renowned for their natural beauty, attract a substantial number of tourists and rank among the top destinations in Sarpedon.

Pelaxia's tourism offerings are diverse, ranging from natural areas like the Pelaxian Jungle and beaches in the South West region to cultural landmarks in Albalitor and Paluzar. Nautical tourism flourishes in Flumenia and Termia, where visitors explore the rivers and deltas that define these provinces. Domestic tourism is a vital segment of Pelaxia's tourism industry, contributing significantly to its overall growth and development. Cruise ship tourism along the Pelaxian coast and around the Jusonian Islands, along with nautical tourism in Flumenia and Termian, play integral roles in attracting visitors and stimulating economic activity throughout the country.

Gastronomic tourism in Pelaxia encompasses a rich tapestry of culinary traditions that reflect the nation's diverse cultural heritage and abundant natural resources. Pelaxian cuisine is renowned for its fusion of Vallosi and Caphirian influences, creating a unique gastronomic experience that captivates visitors from around the world. Gastronomic tourism enthusiasts visiting Pelaxia have a plethora of culinary experiences to indulge in, each offering a unique insight into the rich tapestry of Pelaxian cuisine. Some must-try gastronomic activities include culinary tours, wine tasting, farm visits, and sea food feasts. These gastronomic activities offer travelers a delightful blend of flavors, aromas, and experiences that showcase the rich diversity and culinary innovation of Pelaxian cuisine. Whether exploring bustling markets or savoring farm-fresh fare, gastronomic tourism in Pelaxia promises unforgettable culinary adventures for food lovers and explorers alike.

The cruise ship industry plays a pivotal role in Pelaxia's tourism landscape, contributing significantly to the country's economy and showcasing its coastal beauty to travelers from around the world. Annually, thousands of cruise ships traverse the azure waters of the Pelaxian coast and navigate the enchanting Jusonian Islands, making Pelaxia a sought-after destination for cruise enthusiasts and vacationers alike. Pelaxia's strategic location along major cruise routes in Sarpedon makes it an ideal port of call for international cruise liners. The bustling ports of Albalitor, Font, Villa Delfia, and Jusonia Mayor welcome a steady stream of cruise ships throughout the year, offering passengers an opportunity to explore Pelaxia's vibrant culture, stunning landscapes, and rich culinary traditions. Each year, Pelaxia welcomes an impressive number of cruise ships and passengers to its shores, with Albalitor alone serving as a port of call for over 200 cruise ships annually. The bustling port city of Font sees an average of 150 cruise ships docking at its harbor, while Villa Delfia and Jusonia Mayor each receive over 100 cruise ship visits per year. Cruise passengers disembarking in Pelaxian ports have a myriad of shore excursion options to choose from, including guided city tours, culinary experiences, outdoor adventures, and cultural immersions. From exploring historic landmarks and pristine beaches to indulging in local cuisine and shopping for artisanal crafts, Pelaxia offers an abundance of activities to suit every traveler's interests.

Demographics

Immigrants by nationality

Caphirian (40%)

Cartadanian (23%)

Insuo Loa (15%)

Castadillaan (10%)

Vallejar (9%)

Daxian (3%)

With a population of around 200 million, Pelaxia shows a medium to big-sized population by Global standards. Pelaxia depicts an anual population growth rate of 1.4%. Ethnically, the residents of Pelaxia are predominantly ethnic Pelaxian who are of Caphiravian descent. Immigrants constituted 8% of the population by 2030.Pelaxia, long a country of emigration (the vast majority of Vallejars have Pelaxian ancestry),became a country of net immigration, and not just from the last Vallosi, and Far East Audonia overseas territories.

Since the 1950s, along with a boom in construction, several new waves of Burgundian, Cartadanian, Pelaxophone Caphirians and other Audonian have settled in the country.

Numbers of Varshani, Volonian and migrants are also significant. It is estimated that over 30,000 seasonal, often illegal immigrants work in agriculture, mainly southern cities of Savrian valley where they are often exploited by organized seasonal workers' networks. These migrants, who often arrive without due documentation or work contracts, make up over 90% of agricultural workers in the south of Pelaxia. Most are Caphirian, from the Loa Republic, and Vallejar. In the interior of the Paluzar there are many Caphirian workers.

The issue of Caphirian illegal immigrants has become a significant social and political concern in the northern provinces of Pelaxia. These immigrants are often smuggled into the country under dire circumstances, facing risks of exploitation, abuse, and trafficking. Primarily, many of these immigrants, driven by economic hardships and the strict caste system in Caphiria, enter the illegal market. However, upon arrival in Pelaxia, they find themselves vulnerable to exploitation by criminal networks involved in human trafficking and drug trade. One of the most alarming aspects of this issue is the prevalence of sexual exploitation among Caphirian immigrants, particularly women and children. They are often forced into prostitution and subjected to various forms of abuse, including physical and psychological violence. The clandestine nature of this exploitation makes it challenging for authorities to identify and address cases effectively. Moreover, Caphirian illegal immigrants are also exploited in drug trafficking networks, coerced into transporting illicit substances across borders. They are manipulated and threatened by criminal organizations, leaving them trapped in a cycle of violence.

Languages

Pelaxia, as a nation, recognizes Pelaxian as its official language across all regions. However, linguistic diversity enriches the cultural tapestry of the country, leading to the recognition of several regional languages. As per its integration into UNESARP, it also recognizes Cartadanian.

In the eastern provinces bordering Caphiria, Latin holds significant influence and is commonly spoken alongside Pelaxian. This linguistic blend reflects historical ties and cultural exchanges with neighboring regions. Termia, predominantly spoken in the northern territories, exhibits influences from Cartadania, reflecting centuries of cultural interaction and shared history between the two nations.

Palucene, prevalent in Paluzar, bears heavy influences from Pelaxian and Latin. This linguistic fusion is a testament to the region's unique history and cultural heritage, shaped by its geographical landscape and historical developments.

In the central and southern provinces of Pelaxia, particularly in the province of Savria, Savrian is spoken with a distinct dialect that traces its roots back to the 11th century. Savrian has evolved over centuries, influenced by historical, cultural, and linguistic factors unique to the region.

While Pelaxian remains the official language of administration and communication throughout Pelaxia, the recognition of regional languages underscores the country's commitment to preserving linguistic diversity and promoting cultural identity across its diverse regions.

Religion

Religion in Pelaxia(2025)
Religion			Percent
Non religious			43%
Catholic			36%
Loa			7%
Protestant			2%
Islam			1%
Other			1%

Pelaxia has a rich religious history, with Catholicism playing a predominant role for many centuries. Early Pelaxians, like their Cognati predecessors, adhered to Cognati paganism. However, with the gradual Christianization of the region, Roman Catholicism became the dominant faith.

Throughout much of its history, Pelaxia was deeply intertwined with Roman Catholicism, with the Church exerting significant influence over various aspects of society, including culture, education, and politics. However, since the 1960s, Pelaxia has experienced a significant secularization trend, mirroring developments in other European countries.

Today, Pelaxia is one of the least religious countries in the world, with only a minority of the population declaring religion to be an important part of their daily lives. While Roman Catholicism remains the largest religious affiliation in Pelaxia, the influence of the Church has waned considerably, particularly among younger generations. Despite the decline in religious observance, many expressions of popular religiosity still thrive in Pelaxia, often tied to local festivals and traditions. However, the number of parish priests has declined over the years, reflecting the broader trend of dwindling religious participation.

While Roman Catholicism continues to hold historical and cultural significance in Pelaxia, the country's religious landscape has evolved dramatically, reflecting broader societal changes and shifts towards secularism and pluralism. Pelaxia is a secular state: church and state were formally separated during the 1900s, and this was reiterated in the 1966 Pelaxian Constitution.

A bill passed in 2016 and intended to effectively make religious institutions in Pelaxia taxable by the government. This resolution was later found to be unconstitutional by the Federal Supreme Court in 2017. The Federal Republic is based on the principle of laicism enforced by the 1880s laws and the 1967 Constitution that establishes a “semi-separated” church-state relation, where the state pays a fraction of the Catholic Church salaries still to this day.

Urbanization

In Pelaxia, urbanization has been a significant demographic trend, with a substantial portion of the population residing in urban areas. According to the National Institute of Pelaxian Statistics (INES), urban areas accommodate approximately 84.35% of the population, indicating a notable concentration of inhabitants in urban centers. The Northern region of Pelaxia stands out as the most densely populated area, home to over 80 million residents. Within this region, major urban agglomerations have emerged as focal points of population concentration and economic activity. Among the largest urban centers in Pelaxia are Albalitor, Paluzara, and Agrila, each boasting sizable populations and serving as vital hubs of commerce, culture, and governance.

The most populous cities in Pelaxia include Albalitor, the capital city, with a population of over 10 million inhabitants, followed by Paluzar, Agrila and Jojoba, each with populations exceeding 5 million residents. These urban centers not only accommodate a significant portion of the Pelaxian population but also serve as engines of economic growth and development.

Throughout Pelaxia, state capitals typically represent the largest cities within their respective provinces, mirroring the national trend observed in urban areas. Overall, urbanization in Pelaxia reflects the nation's historic industrialization of the northern provinces around the 1870s, provoking internal emigration from the southern rural provinces into the growing industrial centers. This trend has increased in the second half of the 20th century as the economy of the north quickly turned into services and tourism.

v t e Largest conurbations and metropolitan areas in Pelaxia National Institute of Pelaxian Statistics (INES)
Rank		Provinces and Territories of Pelaxia	Pop.	Rank		Provinces and Territories of Pelaxia	Pop.
1	Albalitor City	Albalitor	10021295	11	Villa Delfia	Latonia	1023699
2	Agrila	Agrila	7711840	12	Azufaifa	Anquila	934195
3	Font	Flumen	6668000	13	Savria	Savria	916275
4	Jojoba	Termia	6373224	14	Alimoche	Agrila	831938
5	Abubilla	Paluzar	5400000	15	Anuncio	Covarrubia	828524
6	Jazmín	Agrila	5207718	16	Mirlo	Anilla	796053
7	Fontanez	Jusonia Islands	4618563	17	Dalia	Harenís	793021
8	Foronafort	Agrila	3396312	18	Acevilan	Oretania	746037
9	Babafort	Albalitor	1929318	19	Maceria	Gramenia	707770
10	Terrafort	Baza	1544487	20	Colonia	Flumen	672298

Education

Responsibility for educational supervision in Pelaxia is primarily organized within the individual provinces. The Federal Constitution and the Federal Education Law determine that the Union, the provinces, the autonomous communities, and the municipalities must manage and organize their respective education systems. Each of these public educational systems is responsible for its own maintenance, which manages funds as well as the mechanisms and funding sources. At the same time the Federal Government that administers and maintains several “National Schools” throughout the country. The constitution reserves 6% of the national budget and 20% of federal taxes and municipal taxes for education.

The educational system throughout the country is organized in:

Kindergarten: Kindergarten education in Pelaxia is the foundational level of early childhood education, typically catering to children between the ages of three and six years old. Kindergartens are primarily managed and funded by the three levels of government, although there is a lot of involvement from municipal authorities. The curriculum focuses on holistic child development, fostering social skills, creativity, and basic cognitive abilities through play-based learning activities.The child care system in Pelaxia can be seen as universal in coverage. It is viewed as a public problem shared by multiple roles of the society: parents, regional and local governments, non-profit organizations (usually churches) etc. Pelaxia offers a wide range of child care programs for parents: day care centers (Guardería) for children up to age 3, Kindergarten (Jardín de Infantes) for children from age 3 to 5. Around ninety-eight per cent of Pelaxian daycare is non-for-profit and is heavily funded by the government. Ninety per cent of the costs are paid by national, provincial and local governments through public taxes while the rest of the cost is paid by the parents.
Primary School: Primary education in Pelaxia encompasses the initial years of formal schooling, usually spanning from grades one through six or seven, depending on the educational jurisdiction. Primary schools are overseen and funded by provincial governments, with guidance and standards set at the provincial level. The curriculum at this level emphasizes foundational subjects such as language arts, mathematics, science, social studies, and physical education.
Secondary School: Secondary education in Pelaxia encompasses both lower and upper secondary levels, providing comprehensive instruction for students in their adolescent years. Lower secondary education typically comprises grades seven through nine or ten, while upper secondary education encompasses grades ten or eleven through twelve. Secondary schools are administered by provincial authorities, with curriculum frameworks and assessment standards established at the national level. The curriculum includes a diverse range of subjects, including humanities, sciences, languages, and vocational education tracks tailored to students' interests and career goals.
Tertiary School and Universities: Tertiary education in Pelaxia consists of post-secondary institutions, including vocational tertiary schools, colleges, and universities. These institutions offer a wide array of academic and vocational programs designed to prepare students for careers in various fields. Tertiary education is overseen by provincial and national authorities. The curriculum at tertiary institutions is specialized and research-oriented, offering undergraduate and graduate degrees in disciplines ranging from arts and humanities to science, engineering, and professional studies.

Optional kindergarten education is provided for all children between three and six years old, after which school attendance is compulsory for at least nine years depending on the state. Primary education usually lasts for four to six years.Secondary schooling is divided into tracks based on whether students pursue academic or vocational education. A system of apprenticeship called Profesionalización Juvenil leads to a skilled qualification which is almost comparable to an academic degree. It allows students in vocational training to learn in a company as well as in a province-run trade school.

Most of the Pelaxian universities are public institutions administered by the national government, and students traditionally study without fee payment.The general requirement for attending university is having a Secondary School diploma on an academic/technical orientation. The established universities in Pelaxia include some of the oldest in the world, with Albalitor University, Agrila University and the University of Leg being the oldest.In the contemporary era Pelaxia has developed 4 universities of excellence.

In 2029, the literacy rate of the population was 98.4%. and at least 4 in every 10 Pelaxians speak a second language fluently. Pelaxia’s private institutions tend to be more exclusive and offer better quality education, so many high-income families send their children there.

Health

Pelaxia's system of hospitals, called Centros Médicos and Sanatorios, dates from medieval times, and today, Pelaxia has the world's oldest public healthcare system, dating from Solis’ Social Legislation in the late 19th century. Since the 1880s, reforms and provisions have ensured a balanced health care system. On the other hand, private healthcare systems play a complementary role.

Today the population is covered by a health insurance plan provided by the national insurance scheme: “Medical Assistance for Pelaxians” (MEDAPEL), with criteria allowing some groups to opt for a private health insurance contract. The program is nominally funded by an income tax surcharge known as the Medicare levy, currently at 2%. The provinces manage hospitals and attached outpatient services, while the Federal Government funds the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (subsidising the costs of medicines) and general practice.

Health insurance is compulsory for the whole population in Pelaxia. Salaried workers and employees below the relatively high income threshold of more than 70,000 NSD per year are automatically enrolled into one of currently around 105 public non-profit "Fondos de Salud" at common rates for all members, and is paid for with joint employer-employee contributions. Provided payment is negotiated in complex corporatist social bargaining among specified self-governed bodies (e.g. physicians' associations, workers unions and the province) at the level of provinces. The sickness funds are mandated to provide a unique and broad benefit package and cannot refuse membership or otherwise discriminate on an actuarial basis.

Pelaxia’s health care system is 77% government-funded from all governmental levels and 23% privately funded. Despite all, there are still several public health problems in Pelaxia. In 2026, the main points to be solved were the high infant (1.51%) and maternal mortality rates (73.1 deaths per 1000 births).

Social Policy

Social security and healthcare in Pelaxia are deeply ingrained in the country's history of Christian democratic policies intertwined with Pelaxian socialism and Marxism, resulting in a system characterized by significant government involvement as both a provider and regulator. The administration of social security and healthcare primarily falls under the purview of the Ministry of Labor and the Ministry of Social Policy. Codified within the Política Social (POLSOC), Pelaxia's social security framework consists of 13 main components, each addressing different aspects of social welfare and support. These include provisions for old age, widow's/widower's, orphans, and disability pension insurance, as outlined in POLSOC I, as well as unemployment insurance and public employment agencies detailed in POLSOC II and III. Additionally, POLSOC IV encompasses child support, while POLSOC V focuses on health insurance. Invalidity insurance is addressed in POLSOC VII and IX, while POLSOC XI covers social care services. Furthermore, Pelaxia's social security system includes initiatives such as the Programa Alimentario Nacional under POLSOC XII and the Universal Child Allowance Card as stipulated in POLSOC XIII.

The national government assumes the primary responsibility for funding and implementing this comprehensive social security framework, ensuring equitable access and coverage for all Pelaxian citizens. However, provincial governments may devise their own complementary programs and initiatives to address specific regional needs and priorities within the broader context of the national framework. This collaborative approach between the national and provincial levels of government reflects Pelaxia's commitment to ensuring the well-being and protection of its citizens across various stages of life and circumstances, while also acknowledging the diverse needs and contexts present across different regions of the country.

Culture

Cinema

The Pelaxian film industry traces its origins to the early 20th century, a period marked by the emergence of three pioneering companies: the Sociedad Cinematográfica de Pelaxia, the Amberes Film, and the Nueva Luz Film. These ventures, established between 1903 and 1908, laid the foundation for what would become a vibrant and dynamic cinematic landscape in Pelaxia.

The Pelaxian film industry was born between 1903 and 1908 with three companies: the Sociedad Cinematográfica de Pelaxia, the Amberes Film and the Nueva Luz Film. Other companies soon followed in Paluzar and in Agrila. In a short time these first companies reached a fair producing quality, and films were soon sold outside Pelaxia.The Macadamia Film Festival is celebrated since 1984 in the city of Macadamia and is one of the most prestigious film festivals in Sarpedon.

During its formative years, the Pelaxian film industry experienced rapid growth and innovation. Additional production companies quickly emerged in Paluzar and Agrila, contributing to the expansion of Pelaxia's cinematic repertoire. Within a relatively short span of time, these early enterprises achieved a commendable level of production quality, allowing Pelaxian films to gain recognition beyond the borders of the nation.

One significant hallmark of Pelaxia's film culture is the annual Macadamia Film Festival, inaugurated in 1984 in the city of Macadamia. Over the years, the festival has grown to become one of the most esteemed cinematic events in Sarpedon, attracting filmmakers, industry professionals, and cinephiles from around the region. The Macadamia Film Festival serves as a platform for showcasing Pelaxia's cinematic achievements while fostering dialogue and collaboration within the global film community.

Drawing inspiration from the rich history and artistic traditions of Pelaxia, filmmakers have explored diverse themes and genres, contributing to a multifaceted cinematic landscape. Pelaxian cinema reflects the nation's cultural heritage, societal concerns, and artistic sensibilities, offering audiences both entertainment and thought-provoking storytelling. The Pelaxian film industry continues to evolve and adapt to changing technological and cultural landscapes, embracing digital advancements while staying true to its artistic roots. As Pelaxia's cinematic legacy continues to unfold, it remains an integral part of the nation's cultural identity and a source of pride for filmmakers and audiences alike.

Sports

The most popular sport in Pelaxia is, by far, football. The Liga Suprema is integrated by 16 teams. Anclas, Pelaxia's most renowned football club, was founded by workers from a Burgundian shipping company, and its success has made it a beloved institution in the country. The national football team has achieved significant success, winning the World Cup three times. Football clubs in Pelaxia play a crucial social function beyond their role in sports. Rooted deeply in the towns and regions they represent, these clubs serve as focal points for community engagement and cultural expression. They often engage in various charitable activities and community-building endeavors, reflecting their commitment to the well-being and cohesion of their localities. Through initiatives such as youth development programs, charity matches, and community events, football clubs foster a sense of belonging and solidarity among residents. Their presence extends far beyond the realm of sports, embodying the values of unity, resilience, and collective identity that are cherished within Pelaxian society.

In Pelaxia, the regulations governing football clubs are designed to uphold the principles of community ownership and fan engagement. Unlike in some other countries where corporations may own football clubs outright, Pelaxian football league regulations mandate that clubs must be primarily owned by their fans, holding at least 51% of the club's shares. This ensures that the clubs remain rooted in their communities and that decisions regarding their management and direction are made with the best interests of the fans in mind. By prioritizing fan ownership, Pelaxian football clubs maintain a strong connection to their supporters and uphold the values of transparency, accountability, and grassroots participation in the sport.

Other popular team sports in Pelaxia include volleyball, basketball and rugby.

The Pelaxian national volleyball league boasts participation from 20 teams, highlighting the widespread popularity and competitive nature of the sport within the country. With each team representing different regions and communities, the league provides a platform for athletes to showcase their talent and compete at the highest level of domestic volleyball.

Pelaxia also hosts the Pelaxian Open is a tennis tournament held annually over the last fortnight of January in Albalitor, Pelaxia. The tournament is the first Grand Slam tennis events held each year. It features men's and women's singles; men's, women's, and mixed doubles; junior's championships; and wheelchair, legends, and exhibition events. Prior to 1988 it was played on grass courts, but since then three types of hardcourt surfaces have been used at Villa Tenistica de Albalitor – green coloured Rebound Ace up to 2007, blue Plexicushion from 2008 to 2019, and blue GreenSet since 2027.

The Pelaxian Grand Prix (Pelaxian: Gran Premio de Pelaxia) is hosted annually at the Circuit de Jojoba. The race runs 307.23 km over 66 laps in a relatively arid location. The consistent climate and well-rounded circuit has led to the Circuit de Jojoba hosting pre-season testing since shortly after the track was opened in the 1991. The circuit is well balanced with a long straightaway through the start/finish line with even and predictable turns which allow drivers to extract peak performance from their vehicles. Many of the corners on the track are well-suited for overtaking which leads to highly dynamic races.

Federal Republic of Pelaxia República Federal de Pelaxia (Pelaxian) Ripublica Federalã Pelãhia (Montanaran)
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: Unitum facimus fortitudinem ("Unity gives us strength")
Anthem: None
Pelaxia in Sarpedon
Capital	Albalitor
Official languages	Pelaxian Montanaran
Recognised regional languages	Caphiric Latin Savrian Insuo Loa
Demonym(s)	Pelaxian
Government	Federal parliamentary republic

• President	Matías Mexes
• Prime Minister	Pedro Meireles

Legislature	Federal Parliament
• Upper house	Federal Council
• Lower house	Federal Congress
Establishment

• Union of Termia – Kingdom of Pelaxia	1485
• Pelaxian Republic – First Pelaxian Republic	1804
• Current constitution – Fifth Republic	1964

Area
• Total	1,527,989 km² (589,960 sq mi)
Population
• Estimate	219,610,000
• Density	143/km² (370.4/sq mi)
GDP (nominal)	2027 estimate
• Total	$7.210 trillion (13th)
• Per capita	$32.286,35
HDI (2027)	0.820 very high
Currency	Salia (PLS)
Date format	dd-mm-yyyy
Mains electricity	120 V–60 Hz
Driving side	right
Calling code	+17
Internet TLD	.pl