Ceylonia

Ceylon Republic 3 official names Yapokee: Epásahiko u Yapoké Qabóri: Seilón Repúbliq Cartadanian: República Ceilonia
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: "Faiháni io hy’ypas" "Faith and hope"
Anthem: Yapoké graania
Capital and largest city	Santa Maria
Official languages	Yapokee
Recognized regional languages	Qabóri Cartadanian
Ethnic groups	By background: 54.3% Indigenous Cronan 21.1% Luso-Ceylonian 19.4% Coscivian 5.2% Other
Demonym(s)	Ceylonian Yapokee Luso-Orisian (antiquated)
Government	Unitary semi-presidential constitutional republic
• President	Miguel Sousa
• Prime Minister	Amancio Batista
• Grand Senator	Tanor Kaihé
• Chief Tribal Emissary	Davíd Gongas
Legislature	National Assembly
• Upper house	Senate
• Lower house	Chamber of Communities Chamber of Emissaries
Establishment
• Qabóri Conquest	677–1434
• Yapokee Wars	1411–1469
• Yapokee Woqalate	1434–1691
• Formation as a satellite colony	1697
• Territory created	1704
• Ceylon Peace Accord	1813
• Independence	1813
Area
• Total	892,458 km2 (344,580 sq mi)
Population
• 2035 census	40,465,228
• Density	45.34/km2 (117.4/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)	2035 estimate
• Total	$1.954 trillion
• Per capita	$48,291 (2035)
GDP (nominal)	2027 estimate
• Total	$1.719 trillion
• Per capita	$42,490 (2027)
Gini (2035)	42.9 medium
HDI (2035)	0.892 very high
Currency	Ponča (₽)
Time zone	UTC—08:00
Mains electricity	230 V, 50 Hz
Driving side	right
Calling code	+7
Internet TLD	.ce

Ceylonia, officially the Ceylon Republic (Yapokee: Epásahiko u Yapoké), is a sovereign country in southeastern Crona on the western Songun Peninsula. It is the southernmost country in Crona, located on a mostly flat plain of land at the tip of the peninsula. With a land area of 892,458 square kilometers (344,580 sq mi) and a population of approximately 40 million, Ceylonia is the second-least populous country in the Songun basin region, being only slightly more populous than Istrenya. It shares a land border to the northwest with Tierrador, along with a maritime border to the north with the Cape across the Songun Strait. Ceylonia's capital and largest city is Santa Maria, located at the northern end of the Baía dos Cocos, approaching the nation's center. Ceylonia is a member of the League of Nations and the Cronan Commonwealth Development Organization (CCDO), and maintains one of the strongest economies in southern Crona, with a nominal GDP of $1.954 trillion.

Throughout its history, Ceylonia's governance was mostly at the helm of other, much more powerful nations. During the 6th to 13th centuries, Ceylonia was a colony of the Qabóri Woqalate, being conquered in 677 AD. This time was relatively unstable for the colony, as the majority of the Ceylon people rejected the Qabóri government's policies. In 1411, members from the Yapokee tribe revolted against Qabór, beginning the Yapokee Wars, which lasted for nearly sixty years. In 1468, the colony was granted its independence from Qabór, under the condition that it become a vassal state, thus creating the Woqalate of Yapokee. The newly-founded vassal state was much more stable and technologically-advanced than the colony, taking a lot of political and economic influence from its former colonial power. The Woqalate lasted for 200 years, until the arrival of Sarpedonian settlers in the late 1600s. In 1693, Cartadanian settlers established the port city of Riachal at the southernmost tip of the southern peninsula, establishing the second permanent Cartadanian settlement in Crona. By 1697, Riachal was expanded to encompass a greater area, stretching roughly to the top of the Baía dos Cocos. While Cartadanians had largely assimilated with the local Ceylon population in the south, those in the northern city of Antakee, a much more industrialized zone, were treated much more inhumanely. This led to a conflict between the beliefs of those in the south and those of the north. In 1698, when mainland Cartadania underwent the Ano Vermelho and deported many of its elite to Antakee in an aggressive change in power, the federal government sought to restructure its outlying territories alongside its grasp of power over domestic and metropolitan regions as well. In 1701, just nine years before legal and judicial changes shifted operations of the federal government to newly-established Alahuela, Ceylonia officially became a colony of the republic. Antakee at the time had largely been subjected to raids by both Cartadanians and Ceylonians alike, attempting to displace the other in power. In 1704, the 44th Cartadanian National Congress was able to exert influence over the northern regions of Ceylonia enough to consolidate power and unite the colonies far-flung cities into a single entity, known as the Território do Ceilão (Ceylon Territory). This era was somewhat short-lived, however, as the Cartadanian National Congress would grant Ceylonia its independence in 1813 following intense pressure from the Qabóri government.

Ceylonia's modern history was heavily molded by Cartadanian colonization from the 18th to 19th century. It began with, and was for centuries limited to, coastal settlements and trading posts established starting in the late 17th century along the Sea of Orixtal, though it was considered to be the most important of Cartadania's Cronan continental territories due to its location. Unlike with Porlos in the 18th century, Cartadanian settlers had already established themselves in the interior of Ceylonia during the 18th century as geographic barriers like rivers had already defined neighboring territories, limiting the extent to which the country could grow. Thus, the borders of Ceylonia have remained largely the same since its establishment as a territory in 1704.

Ceylonia has vast mineral and petroleum reserves, and its economy is among the fastest-growing in the world, in part due to foreign investment and economic bolstering from Tierrador, due to their linked economies, as well as Alstin and Cartadania. Ceylonia is considered a stand-out economy within the region due to its quick advancement throughout the 20th century, in spite of the standard of living remaining low for a large part of the populations of neighboring countries. Ceylonians enjoy an average standard of living, heavily influenced by its past and present ties with Tierrador, which actively supports and strengthens its economy, as well as by powers such as Alstin and Cartadania. In tandem, the life expectancy in Ceylonia is among the highest in the region at 78.2 years, following a trend more typical of demographies in Sarpedon and southern Levantia. Though its economy is still based rather heavily on agriculture, at approximately 26% of the economy, industry is rapidly growing, mainly food and beverages, chemical manufacturing, and aluminum and petroleum production, as well as the tourism sector. The country benefits from Tierradorian economic development, along with using the neighboring country’s currency, the Ponča. Despite Yapokee and Qabóri being the most common languages in the country, Ceylonia is a member of the Community of Lusophone Nations, which an international organization representing countries and regions where Cartadanian is an official language, lingua franca, or customary language, due to a somewhat sizable but significant proportion of the population being lusophonic, or (Cartadanian speakers).

History

Early history

The first inhabitants of Ceylonia originated from several places, with the most notable being from Northern Crona and the areas surrounding Varshan. Many indigenous Cronan tribes began establishing hunter-gatherer settlements across the land, which became the first modern settlements throughout the area. These tribes created the framework for modern civilization in Ceylonia. Between 5,000 and 2,000 BCE, the tribes would transition into agrarian societies, taking heavy influence from an unknown higher power, believed to be associated with the ancient Aonaali Woqalate, with the traditionally nomadic settlements becoming permanent. Groups of indigenous Cronans, including parts of the Youkafee, Yapokee, Ausakio, Antakee, and Tanakeó began to develop complex feudal systems, the earliest of which. Under the Aonaali banner, the Yapokee Woqalate was formed, using the namesake from the most prominent indigenous tribe, the Yapokee tribe. The Yapokee inhabited most areas around the Baia dos Cocos, which consisted of the most fertile soil throughout modern soil. The Yapokee cultivated many crops, such as rice, maize, wheat and cotton, and traded goods with several other vassals of the Aonaali Woqalate, mostly including minerals extracted from pockets across the bay.

Qabóri Conquest

Following the disappearance of the Aonaali Woqalate, the Yapokee Woqalate was severely weakened, as the sole partner of the early nation had been taken out of the picture, there was not a way for the area to thrive as it used to. The subsequent feud between the Qabóri and Abio Woqalates brought a sense of uncertainty throughout the member tribes of Yapokee. During and after the fall of the Abio Woqalate throughout the first six centuries AD, the Qabóri Woqalate became increasingly imperialistic, subjugating surrounding lands under their banner. The Yapokee, having been stunted by the Aonaali's fall, proved no match for the much more advanced Qabóri military, as they were coerced into flying the Qabóri banner as a group of qoyalets, or provinces. Despite the initial suppression of Ceylonian indigenous culture, the Qabóri government became more lenient towards the tribes within the area, allowing many unique tribal traditions to occur, under the condition that these tribes pledge allegiance to the Qabóri banner whenever necessary. The Qabóri conquest doubled the Woqalate's territory, and gave it an unmatched advantage over the weakened Abio Woqalate.

The former Yapokee Woqalate was divided into five qoyalets, based solely on the traditional borders of the largest tribes throughout the country. These qoyalets were represented fairly in the Qangreč, and even received favorable compensation as opposed to different colonies in South Crona. This was due to the area's close proximity with the Woqalate's capital city of Qabór, and that many legislations enforced in the colonies had major influence from the eastern colonies. Despite this, recorded journals noted that lower and middle-class Yapokee citizens were discontent with the Woqalate’s unfair policies implemented against them. These policies mainly centered around taxation, with mostly abnormally-high tax rates enforced towards them, which were unattainable to the average Yapokee citizen. Because of this, many middle-class Yapokee citizens began to revolt against the upperclassmen and the government. This would eventually culminate in the Yapokee Wars, which lasted from 1411 to 1469, and resulted in the Yapokee Woqalate being formed.

Woqalate of Yapokee

The newly-formed Woqalate was fully recognized by Qabór following the end of the Yapokee Wars. The country would be semi-integrated into the Qabóri sphere of influence as a vassal state, with less control over the land but with military and economic support. The Yapokee Woqalate consisted of modern-day Ceylonia, parts of southeastern Aracadó and Tawakee, the latter two of which would be considered jointly-administered territory with the neighboring Qabóri Woqalate. The Yapokee Woqalate was unique compared to the other Qabóri vassals, as the country’s leader could easily be removed via unilateral decision from the Qabóri Woqalate, which had actually occurred numerous times throughout the Yapokees first few decades as independent. A prime example of this was in 1445, when, while the Yapokee Wars were still raging on with Qabór switching to the Yapokee side to fight off a coalition of other tribes, the then-Woqali, Kapina II, had attempted to distance the country from Qabór, attempting to give it full autonomy without the need for economic/military support. Close a week after she begun the process, the Qangreč immediately had her removed from the throne, and replaced with a Qabóri puppet royal dynasty, the House of Tukiseeta.

For most of its existence, the Yapokee Woqalate remained relatively stable and unchanged in territory. After the Yapokee Wars had ended, numerous agreements and treaties had allowed the various tribes of the land to coexist with one another, however there was an intense power dynamic between the Yapokee, who were in power, and the remaining tribes. In 1501, The Yapokee leadership drafted, signed, and ratified the first constitution in Ceylonian history, which was basically regarded as a memo on how powerful the Yapokee truly was. One of the articles in said constitution flat-out prevented any of the other tribes from taking power, which unsurprisingly angered the general populace of the country. Despite their anger, there was not much that could be done, as the Yapokee leadership had the much more powerful Qabóri Woqalate on their side, and this made any uprising all but impossible. Towards the end of the 14th century, the Yapokee’s incompetence became a lot more apparent. In 1577, at the discretion of Qabór, the government had made their language, Yapokee, the official language throughout the entire country. Before this, there was no official language, as there were probably fifty different tribal languages spoken in different areas of the country. This move once again enraged the entire populace, who flat out refused to learn Yapokee, as the overly complicated grammatical and vocabulary structure of the language made it extremely difficult to do so.

Some of the tribal leaders, in the northwest region of the country, had gone as far as to unite against the central government. This culminated in the Yapokee Civil War, which lasted surprisingly long, from 1581 to 1589. For the most part, the northwest tribes had defended their lands against the Yapokee fairly well, with practically no borders being changed for the first six years of the war. However, as the Qabóri Woqalate caught wind of the war’s occurrence, they began funneling military support towards the Yapokee Woqalate. As the Yapokee military grew in numbers, so did the Woqalate’s confidence. Before long, in 1588, the Yapokee Army launched a massive campaign against the revolting tribes, in what would become known as the Tuwa Tuwa. The rebellion held their ground against the Yapokee Army, causing massive losses and drawing out the Tuwa Tuwa for nearly an entire year. This was done not to win, as they had virtually no chance of winning, but to show how unorganized and weak the Yapokee Army truly was, despite the massive numbers. In 1589, the Yapokee Civil War would end with the Treaty of Saqauwee. While the Yapokee paraded the treaty around as a show of solidarity between the people of Ceylonia, the treaty was heavily skewed towards the Yapokee’s favor, and introduced harsh reforms against the tribes of the northwest. Despite the massive victory for Yapokee, this would be the beginning of the end for the fledgling Woqalate

Ceylon Peace Accord and Independence

The Ceylon Peace Accord was ratified by the Cartadanian National Congress on July 17, 1813, officially granting Ceylonia its independence. Antonio Vargas, the revolutionary leader for the country, was appointed as the first President of Ceylonia. The first decade of Ceylonia’s independence was mostly marred with the fear of invasion from Tierrador under Aphío Kostari. The country’s neighbor was entering the final stages of the Takosenic Wars, with increased aggression following their decisive victory in the Western Egg Wars. Because of this, the government of Ceylonia began to enact reforms towards the country’s militia, which included authorizing mandatory military conscription in 1816, purchasing used weaponry from the Cartadanian Armed Forces, and hosting military training exercises with foreign powers, including Caphiria and Kiravia. While the fear of the nation’s fledgling sovereignty grew, Vargas emphasized Ceylonia’s preparedness for such a conflict if it were to occur. Elsewhere in the country, there was the rise of demand for tribal sovereignty to go with the country’s general sovereignty. The Lusophonic colonial and post-colonial governments had been harshly suppressing the indigenous population, despite them making up the majority of Ceylonia’s demographics. In 1819, the New Yapokee Movement was created by tribesmen in the northeast, pushing for the reinstatement of the Yapokee Woqalate, instead of the already-implemented pro-Cartadanian government. The NYM was sympathetic towards Kostaric Tierrador, and even offered to send militiamen to assist the Qabóri Army against the Western Commonwealths. The NYM would spark a period of domestic unrest throughout the northern provinces of the nation.

Much to the relief of the Ceylonian government, the Takosenic Wars would come to an end in 1823, before any advance from Qabór could be made against Ceylonia, allowing the country’s government to begin allocating its resources towards domestic troubles, such as the aforementioned New Yapokee Movement. Due to his declining health, Antonio Vargas would retire from his position as Ceylonia’s first president in 1833. He would be replaced by Victor Rodriguez, who was regarded by his peers as a much weaker leader. Despite said opinions of him, Rodriguez would bring true democracy to the country by implementing quinquennial free presidential elections starting in 1835. Despite this, only ethnic Sarpedonians were allowed to vote in these elections, angering all of the indigenous communities. Rodriguez’s term as president would end by 1845, when he was replaced by Daniél Chavez in the 1845 election. By the 1850s, under Chavez, the NYM would spread to all of western Ceylonia, and the approval ratings for the already unpopular new president had dropped significantly. Chavez blamed the people’s discontent on the coercion from the NYM, claiming their intent was to reform Ceylonia back to a Qabóri puppet state, with the interest of only a few select groups taken into account, rather than the entire population. Despite this, the majority-indigenous communities still held a large grudge against the Lusophonic regime, and sought to take it down.

Late 19th century to 20th century

First meeting of the Chamber of Tribal Emissaries in 1892

The increased tensions between the New Yapokee Movement and the Ceylon government would escalate to full on skirmishes in Ceylonian cities. The Tierradorian government, now more stable after the House of Woqelee took power, became more sympathetic towards the NYM rather than the Ceylon government, which dealt a massive blow to the government. While Ceylonia was being supplied arms from the Cartadanian government, it was almost nothing compared to the support from the Qabóri Woqalate to the NYM, especially after the former’s conquest of the Western Republic in the previous decade. On March 6, 1881, three tribes in northwest Ceylonia (Atofee, Chauakee, and Bausiji), declared their independence. This move, supported by Qabór and Istrenya, shocked the government in Santa Maria, and in response, immediately declared war on the tribes, beginning the Ceylon Civil War. Eventually, as the independence movements became stronger, more tribes would declare their independence from Ceylonia. In 1887, newly-elected Ceylon president Cesar Tathas, being of Bausiji descent, sympathized with the movements and even promised to give the tribes partial autonomy if they agreed to end the war. However, the goal of the tribes independence was non-negotiable by their standards, and the war would rage on for another six years. On February 5, 1892, President Tathas would meet with the tribal leaders in Antakee, along with Qabóri Woqala Tataía III, in an agreement which would eventually end the Ceylon Civil War. The terms of the agreement included the establishment of 27 Tribal Nations, in which the borders of these nations would be established with sole consideration to the makeup of the country’s indigenous tribes, along with the addition of the Chamber of Tribal Emissaries to the country’s already bicameral legislature, which would become one of the two most powerful chamber in the Ceylon National Assembly, the other being the Popular National Assembly.

Ceylonia would enter a period of rebuilding towards the end of the 19th century. The country remained neutral in the First Great War, though allowed trade with both factions, being able to earn a slight boost in its economy. This boost helped to speed up rebuilding efforts, and by 1911, Ceylonia had been fully restored back its pre-civil war stage. During the 1920s, Ceylonia would enjoy increased relations with Tierrador, as the country's neighbor, under a new government fully unified the country, and began to shift its focus towards the betterment of relations with its neighbors. On September 9, 1927, Ceylonia, along with Istrenya, Porlos, Malentina, and Tierrador, established the South Cronan Economic Area, abolishing all trade barriers with those countries. Three years later, Ceylonia would become the second country to adopt the Ponča as its official currency, officially creating the Pončazone.

Workers striking in East Sachia in 1947

Unhappy with what they called "Tierradorian recolonization", over 100,000 Ceylon steel workers would go on strike, which would eventually spark the Ceylon Steel Crisis. The strikes lasted for nearly three decades, and forced the country to remain neutral during the Second Great War. Rather than listening to the striking workers' demands, then-President Christopher Pinho began outsourcing steel labor, from powers such as Caphiria and Tierrador. Despite this, the Steel Crisis would only worsen, as the outsourced labor would grow discontent with the cheap wages imposed by the government. Ceylonia would end the 1940s with a trade deficit of nearly $11 billion, one of the highest in the country's history. Pinho, frustrated with the lack of output from the striking workers, attempted numerous times to stop the strikes through union deals, however, the demands from the workers, who were mostly of Cartadanian origin, were calling for Ceylonia to distance itself from the majority-indigenous Tierrador.

Chavez/Santos Era

As the country entered the 1950s, Pinho would begin to subsidize and encourage indigenous Cronans, who mostly worked in agriculture, to seek employment in the industrial sector. As the 1955 Ceylon election rolled around, close to 60% of steel workers were indigenous Cronan, a sharp increase from the 20% at the beginning of the Steel Crisis. However, because of this, Pinho would grow to be more unpopular within two major groups; the Cartadanian-Ceylonians and the agricultural industry of the country, which so happened to be two of the most influential groups when it came to elections. While Pinho had the support of steel workers and other indigenous industrial laborers, his opponent, 27-year old Jair Santos, began to pander towards the other two groups, allowing him to take control of the country by a steep margin. Santos was of Qabóri descent, and quickly earned the trust of Walakee autocrat Pedro Kintón. After his victory, Santos would abolish the Prime Minister position, claiming it to be "completely useless", and absorbed the position's responsibilities.

One of Santos's first actions as President of Ceylonia was to reverse many of the industrial subsidies enforced in the Pinho era, creating the Ceylon Equal Employment Association (CEEA) in 1957. The purpose of this organization was to create equal employment opportunities for all Ceylonians regardless of ethnicity or background. Santos then threatened to expel the striking workers back to Cartadania if they did not return to work by a set deadline. Close to 30,000 workers left the country voluntarily, while the rest, not having many options, returned to work despite the frustration with the government's priorities. In 1959, Santos authorized aid from the Ceylon Defense Forces to Istrenya during its civil war. The war would only last two years but would trigger the mass influx of refugees from Istrenya into Ceylonia, which began the Ceylon Refugee Crisis in 1960. Several refugee camps were established across the country, which angered the majority of the Tribal Nations, as the camps were mostly being built on their land. Despite this, many of the pleas to move or send the refugees back were met with deaf ears, and the crisis would continue until the end of the war.

Santos reacted quickly to the 1964 Tawakee Coup d'Etat, which saw communist cartel insurgents overthrowing the already-problematic Republic of Tawakee. The new government severed ties with both countries, which dealt a massive blow to them. While Tawakee was a small nation, its production of textiles made both countries heavily reliant on said industry. The ensuing conflict would involve Ceylonia sending aid to Tierrador and the Tawakee Liberation Front, with the promise of the island being split, with the northeast portion going to Ceylonia and the southwest portion going to Tierrador. What was supposed to be a swift, two-week invasion quickly became a two-month endeavor, as the Ceylonian and Tierradorian forces were heavily unprepared. Despite the strategic victory, both nations suffered massive casualties. This completely trashed Jair Santos's reputation, and with the 1965 Election creeping closer, the war would deal a massive blow to his campaign image. Santos would be voted out in 1965, but not before he involved Ceylonia in the Mosquito War, fighting alongside Tierrador against Istrenya and Arcerion.

Santos would be ousted towards the beginning of 1966, while close to 75,000 CDF troops were fighting in the Istrenyan highlands. His successor, Aldó Chavez, holding similar views to the former president, began reducing the number throughout 1966, much to the dismay of Walakee leader Kintón. By November 1966, CDF forces in Istrenya had shrunk to 41,000. Chavez would also allow increased gold-mining efforts in formerly prohibited areas, boosting productivity and the nation's output of gold, despite calls from environmentalist movements against these actions. Towards the beginning of 1967, many Ceylonians began calling for the withdrawal of troops from Istrenya. Not wanting to put the nation's relationship with Tierrador at risk, Chavez delayed the withdrawal date until mid-June of that year, which resulted in one of the biggest logistical failures in history, with the Ceylon government withdrawing over 32,000 troops over the span of a year. Chavez did not take part in the Dalton Accords, which ended the Mosquito War. This strained the country's relationship with Tierrador, but Chavez did not acknowledge the failing relations.

Ceylonia saw one of the biggest economic boosts in history in the 1970s, with its GDP increasing 20% from 1971 to 1974. The decade was referred to as the aniiet dantiund (golden decade), due to the country's increased production and distribution of gold in the international market. The nation also saw a massive increase in tourism, as the government became more Occidentalized. The 1980s saw the country building back its relationship with Tierrador. This included reactivating its membership in the South Cronan Economic Area and the newly-established Wadičaq Area. Chavez would also reform the National Assembly, equally dividing power between the legislature's three branches, rather than the two lower houses holding more power than the Senate.

Modern era

In 1985, due to his declining health, Chavez would ultimately resign as president of Ceylonia. His successor, Tomás Curvaló-Auspik, would be appointed. Curvaló-Auspik's administration would be marred in controversy, as he oversaw the completely botched prosecutions of those involved in the 1989 Ceylon bribery scandal. Despite this, Curvaló-Auspik would be re-elected in 1990. He would create the Ceylon Environmental Impact Mitigation Agency (CEIMA) in 1991, which enforced newly-passed environmental legislations from 1991–1994. The 1993 Tierradorian financial crisis saw the collapse of the housing bubble in Ceylonia, leading to the biggest stock market crash in the country's history. In response to this, Curvaló-Auspik passed the Lending Act of 1994, which increased bank lending regulations.

Following the financial crisis, Ceylonia reinstated itself as one of the most developed nations in South Crona. The country co-hosted the 2004 World Cup of Hockey with Tierrador, finishing fourth in the tournament. In 2015, the PpY, led by Sabina Teixeira, took power as the ruling party of the country, where it remains today. Teixeira would resign in 2027, appointing Miguel Sousa as her successor. In 2035, Sousa will attempt to extend the PpY's tenure to 25 years.

Geography

Beach near Monteara on the southern Peninsula.

Ceylonia lies at the southernmost point of the western Songun Peninsula, itself bifurcated into a northern and southern peninsula around the Baía dos Cocos, covering a total area of 372,362.6 square kilometers (143,770.0 sq mi). It lies between the latitudes 7°00′31″ N and 14°04′48″ N and longitudes 135°32′24″ W and 127°00′36″ W. Aside from the southern peninsula, the country is very flat with minimal elevation, which made it incredibly suitable for agriculture throughout its history. On the southern peninsula there is a small range of mountains, known as the Cordilheira dos Cocos, which measures in at only 563.9 kilometers (350.4 mi) and contains Yukatanéo, the highest point in the country and one of the lowest high points in Crona at 1,017 meters (3,337 ft).

Ceylonia definitionally meets the parameters of a peninsula, sharing only one land border to the west with Tierrador, and the rest of the country being surrounded by the Orixtal Sea and St. Brendan’s Strait on the south, east, and west, and by the Songun Sea on the country’s north coasts. Ceylonia has two major geographical features; the Wastol River, which runs from Lake Takeesekee to the Orixtal Sea, and forms the country’s western border with Tierrador, and the Baía dos Cocos, which is where the country’s capital, Santa Maria, is situated. Much of the country’s population is situated along the Baía dos Cocos.

Climate

Ceylonia, due to its low elevation and location being one of the southernmost nations in Crona, has a hot and humid wet climate nationwide. The country is located almost entirely in a tropical climate zone, with the exception of the mountainous south, which can get somewhat cool during the winter. In the summer, the average daily temperature can get to about 30° Celsius, or 86° Fahrenheit. It is one of the warmest countries in Crona. Year-round, the daily low and high temperatures generally have a large gap, due to the wind patterns throughout the country allowing for a cool summer breeze at both dusk and dawn. In the winter, the country can get pretty cool, with an average daily temperature of 15° Celsius, or 59° Fahrenheit. The weather typically feels a little colder during the winter, especially in the mountainous areas, due to a high wind chill. In total, Ceylonia gets around 200 inches of precipitation per year. The country generally experiences short rain showers nearly every day, owing to its tropical climate.

Climate data for Ceylonia
Month	Jan	Feb	Mar	Apr	May	Jun	Jul	Aug	Sep	Oct	Nov	Dec	Year
Average high °C (°F)	17.2 (63.0)	20.3 (68.5)	22.6 (72.7)	26.9 (80.4)	28.6 (83.5)	31.0 (87.8)	33.4 (92.1)	32.6 (90.7)	31.7 (89.1)	26.4 (79.5)	22.7 (72.9)	16.6 (61.9)	25.8 (78.5)
Daily mean °C (°F)	15.4 (59.7)	17.1 (62.8)	20.5 (68.9)	23.5 (74.3)	23.2 (73.8)	28.2 (82.8)	29.5 (85.1)	27.2 (81.0)	28.1 (82.6)	22.9 (73.2)	18.0 (64.4)	14.2 (57.6)	22.3 (72.2)
Average low °C (°F)	13.1 (55.6)	14.5 (58.1)	18.9 (66.0)	22.6 (72.7)	24.6 (76.3)	26.7 (80.1)	27.9 (82.2)	25.5 (77.9)	26.1 (79.0)	20.5 (68.9)	16.9 (62.4)	12.2 (54.0)	20.8 (69.4)
Average precipitation mm (inches)	351 (13.8)	299 (11.8)	334 (13.1)	409 (16.1)	487 (19.2)	478 (18.8)	522 (20.6)	519 (20.4)	492 (19.4)	456 (18.0)	411 (16.2)	321 (12.6)	5,079 (200)
Source: Ixnay Climatological Society

Government & Politics

Ceylonia is a unitary semi-presidential republic with a multi-party system, similar to Tierrador’s party-system. The country has maintained a liberal democratic system under its 1813 Constitution, which replaced a territorial charter that established Ceylonia as a full administrative division of Cartadania. As a unitary republic, the central government holds the most power and can create administrative divisions, a legacy of the territorial years, mirroring the style of government Cartadania's territories possess even today, as opposed to the federal system employed by Tierrador’s national government. In spite of this, the Ceylonian system of government does consist of several elements derived from the political systems of Cartadania, including a written constitution and an autonomous Supreme court. The Ceylonian government is separated into three branches: the tricameral National Assembly, which is separated into the Senate, the Chamber of Tribal Emissaries, and the Ceylon Popular Assembly, and serves as the legislative branch of the nation; the executive branch, which consists of the Head of State (President) and the Council of Ministers, led by the Prime Minister; and the judicial branch, which consists of the Ceylon Supreme Court.

Executive Branch

Miguel Sousa is the current President of Ceylonia

The executive branch of Ceylonia consists of the Head of State, called the President, the Head of Government, called the Prime Minister, and the Cabinet of Ministers which is appointed by the Prime Minister upon appointment by the President. The President, currently Miguel Sousa, is elected directly through universal adult suffrage for a five-year term. The President holds the power to dissolve the National Assembly or can challenge it through direct popular referendums or through veto. The President also is able to negotiate and ratify international agreements, and serves as the commander-in-chief of the Ceylon Defense Forces. The Prime Minister is appointed directly by the President after the party he/she leads wins the most the seats in the Popular National Assembly. The Prime Minister mostly focuses on domestic, day-to-day activities, while determining public policy. The current Prime Minister is Amancio Batista, who was appointed in 2033, following the PpY’s victory in the 2033 elections.

Legislative branch

National Assembly Building in Santa Maria

Ceylonia is one of two countries in the world that employ a tricameral legislature, the other being Lucrecia. The National Assembly is comprised of three houses; the Senate, the Chamber of Communities, and the Chamber of Emissaries.

The Senate is the upper house, and comprises of 144 members. These members are elected by 120,000 officials, mostly delegates of the 36 Qoyaletasembalaí, in an indirect electoral college. The Senate, despite being the upper house, was actually historically considered the weakest branch, as, until the 1980s, every legislation they drafted was required to be ratified and approved by the Chamber of Communities, the Chamber of Emissaries, and the President of Ceylonia, a very difficult process which resulted in very few Senate bills actually becoming Ceylon law. Following the government reforms, the National Assembly became more balanced, and the Senate was given a lot more power, on equal par with the other two houses. The Senate is the only legislative house that is not elected through popular vote.

The Chamber of Communities is the middle house, and it comprises of 100 members. Representatives of this house are referred to simply as Delegates, and are elected from the recognized 27 Ethnic Communities of Ceylonia, through popular vote. The makeup of the Chamber is entirely dependent on the population size of the Ethnic Communities. For example, the Yapokee Community, being the largest in the country in population, is represented by the most Delegates, making up 1/5 of the Chamber. This has caused some controversy in past matters, as most votes for resolutions passed through the Chamber are typically skewed towards certain larger communities. In response to this, many Delegates from smaller communities form coalitions on bills that they share similar views on. There have been attempts by the Yapokee representatives to outlaw this practice, however to no avail. The Chamber typically discusses matters pertaining to the welfare of their own Ethnic Communities, and rarely chooses to involve itself in foreign matters.

The lower house of the legislature is the Chamber of Emissaries, which is comprised of 377 members. Historically, the Popular National Assembly had been the most powerful and most represented branch, due to its delegates being elected through popular vote. Delegates are elected through local constituencies, and the amount of representation from each qoyalet varies on that qoyalet’s population. This system is similar to the Chamber of Communities, however unlike the Chamber, which is elected by citizens based on association with a recognized Ethnic Community, the Chamber of Emissaries is elected by citizens based off the 23 Qoyalets of the country.

Administrative divisions

Ceylonia's 23 subdivisions

Ceylonia is separated into twenty-one qoyalets, and two independent cities; the capital city of Santa Maria, located at the northern end of the Baía dos Cocos, and East Sachia, the second largest city situated alongside the western border with Tierrador. Under the Ceylon Constitution, the qoyalets have an elected provincial government composed of the Qoyalet Governor and the Qoyaletasembalaí (provincial assembly). The governor constitutes the executive body, proposes budgets, and creates decrees, resolutions, and provincial programs. The Qoyaletasembalaí, the qoyalets' legislative body, debates and votes on budgets, supervises qoyalet elected officials, and is able to hold votes on removing the governor, deputy governor, or any member of the assembly from office if they see fit. The qoyalet governor and the Qoyaletasembalaí serve a term of four years, without immediate reelection. These governments plan regional development, execute public investment projects, promote economic activities, and manage public property. On the same level as the qoyalets are the 27 Ethnic Communities of the country, though their borders are not defined. All 27 Communities are represented in the Chamber of Communities, of which multiple representatives from each nation are sent. The Communities are considered semi-autonomous, and are mostly considered as part of their qoyalets, and must pledge allegiance to that respective qoyalet. The cities of Santa Maria and East Sachia is administered by a municipal council, headed by a mayor. The purpose of devolving power to regional and municipal governments was to improve popular participation and give Ceylonians a greater since of community. NGOs played an important role in the decentralization process and still influence local politics, though remain in check under the national government's regulation. Some areas of Ceylonia are defined as metropolitan areas which may overlap political boundaries and extend into several qoyalets. The largest of them, the Santa Maria metropolitan area, is the seventh-largest metropolis in the Cronan continent.

Foreign policy

Ceylonia's foreign policies have mostly been heavily influenced by its two progenitor nations: Cartadania and Tierrador. Ceylonia joined the League of Nations in 1964 and the CCDO in 2030, alongside Cartadania and Tierrador. Historically, Ceylonia has mostly followed the foreign policy of Cartadania due to its ties to Alahuela and Cartadania's continued presence in the nation and Crona, broadly. However, during the 1950s and 60s, it began to align its foreign policy and relations with Tierrador, all while still keeping close ties with the Sarpedonian power. Approaching the 70s, Cartadania again began to increase influence in Crona and strengthened its diplomatic involvement with Ceylonia, shifting the policies and relations back toward that of Alahuela. Today, Ceylonia’s foreign influence is mostly split half and half between Tierrador and Cartadania.

Ceylonia has remained neutral during the events leading up to the Occidental Cold War as well as the war itself and most other conflicts, though, there are a few exceptions. Ceylonia gave its support to Tierrador and provided passive support during the Calico Bay War in 1965. It also was indirectly involved in the Mosquito War, where it once again provided passive support to Tierrador in its campaign against Istrenya. In the 21st century, Ceylonia participated in assisting its Cronan neighbors and Occidental peers in the lengthy conflict against Varshan in Central and Northern Crona through various indirect means.

Military and Law enforcement

The Ceylon Defense Forces are an arm of the Ministry of Homeland Affairs, a branch of the government akin to the Homeland Security Office in Tierrador. It features an active personnel count of 176,000, with an additional 100,000 in reserves, functioning to protect the borders of the country from foreign and domestic threats. However, Ceylonia's lack of a true military means that its international power projection has mostly been controlled by the Tierradorian Defense Forces and Cartadanian Armed Forces for Ceylonia's more than three-hundred year history. The domestic Ministry of Homeland Affairs has been responsible for guarding its borders since its inception in 1813, which have largely been protected by geographic barriers, and through agreements with Alstin and Cartadania, Ceylonia is one of the most guarded nations on the planet. Ceylonia is further protected under Cartadania's mutual defense agreements with Pelaxia (through UNESARP) and Alstin, with both parties having basing agreements within the country as negotiated and agreed to by Santa Maria. While not under a formal agreement with Cartadania, Tierrador has been in agreement through the South Cronan Mutual Defense Treaty with both Cartadania and Ceylonia under border protection. As a result, Cartadania's Armed Forces will assist Tierradorian forces during any Ceilo-Tierradorian boundary conflicts from outside parties. Ceylonia hosts Tierradorian, UNESARP, and Alstinian military bases within its borders.

Economy

Ceylon Financial Center in Santa Maria

Ceylonia, with its mixed economy, represents a dynamic economic landscape that incorporates elements of both market-driven principles and government intervention. It features a substantial gross domestic product of about $1.5 trillion, which is indicative of the nation's robust economic performance and its capacity to generate significant wealth. Ceylonia's economy is qualified high-income, with a GDP per capita of $43,291, ranking the nation amongst one of the highest in Crona. Foreign influence from Ceylonia's Cronan neighbors, most notably Tierrador and Alstin, along with former colonial power Cartadania, have assisted the nation's economy since its independence in 1964. As of 2033, the top industries in Ceylonia were agriculture, tourism, mineral extraction, and automobile manufacturing.

Historically, Ceylonia's economy had been dominated by extractive industries, focusing mostly on sealing, whaling, mineral extraction, native timber, and marijuana. The arrival of Qabóri settlers in 677 AD marked a significant early turning point in the economic landscape for the nation. As the area was slowly integrated into the Qabóri Woqalate, the infusion of the Qabóri settlers brought with them a wealth of knowledge, skills, and traditions that played a pivotal role in shaping the development of newer industries and fostering a more extensive network of overseas trade. This gave Ceylonia a massive economic boost throughout its first colonial period. After being granted semi-autonomy in 1434, as the Yapokee Woqalate, the country kept most of its Qabóri-influenced industries and knowledge of global trade at the time. For the duration of its existence, a little over 250 years, the Qopakee Woqalate mostly kept to South Crona, however, from time to time there would be trade deals with Levantine and Sarpedonian powers, though mostly through the much more powerful and influential Qabóri Woqalate.

Today, Ceylonia ranks highly in production of several goods and services. Its agricultural accomplishments include being in the top-10 of producers of coffee, maize, cotton, papayas, guava, soy, sugarcane, oranges, rice, and bananas. In terms of livestock, the country ranks highly in the production of beef, pork, and chicken meat throughout the world. Ceylonia's mineral extraction industry ranks highly in the production of natural resources such as iron ore, copper, amethyst, lithium, nickel, and manganese. The country is a major exporter of soy, iron ore, bananas, copper, footwear, automobiles, gold, and ethanol.

Tourism

Tourism in Ceylonia is a growing sector and key to the economy of several regions of the country. The country had 4.20 million visitors in 2025, ranking in terms of the international tourist arrivals as the third largest tourist destination in South Crona after Tierrador and Alstin. Natural areas are Ceylonia's most popular tourism product, a combination of ecotourism with leisure and recreation, mainly sun and beach, and adventure travel, as well as cultural tourism. The lush rainforests of central Ceylonia are one of the most visited areas throughout the nation. Santa Maria, the country's capital, is the seventh-most visited city in Crona, averaging about 3.1 million visitors every year. East Sachia ranks eighth, averaging 2.8 million visitors yearly.

Skyline of East Sachia, the second-largest city and an important hub for cruise travel.

Large government sponsored marketing campaigns to attract tourists advertised Ceylonia as an inexpensive and exotic, yet safe, destination for international tourists. Most of the visitors to Ceylonia come from South Crona, however it has seen a rise in Cartadanian tourists due to foreign policy shifts. Most tourists visit between April and August. Ceylonia has a relatively high number of tourists due mostly in part to its location—bordering the much larger Tierrador and using that location to attract visitors to its beaches. The Ceylon Tourism Board regularly advertises in tourist trap areas throughout the Tierradorian regions of Aracadó, Auqali and Las Rozas, encouraging tourists in those areas take one- to three-day trips to the country. Tourism in Ceylonia is largely based on the country's culture, and most tourists tend to visit ancient Yapokee cities.

Infrastructure

Roads

Ceylonia has a total road network of about 531,000 kilometres (330,000 mi). According to the Ceylon Department of Transportation (CeyDOT), the Ceylon road network is valued at about $110 billion. The road system in Ceylonia is mainly centralized, with several highways running east-to-west and connecting Santa Maria to other cities on the west coast such as East Sachia, Antakee, Novo Sierra, and Saqauwee, as well as several communities in the south and east. The road system in Santa Maria is the densest network in the country, with paved roads connecting the city to virtually every area of Ceylonia. Ceylon roads also handle substantial international traffic, connecting with cities in neighboring Tierrador and The Cape at the numerous border crossing checkpoints. Historically, most of the national highways were privately-owned. However, due to the inconsistency with maintenance leading to poor quality in rural areas, along with ridiculously-high toll costs, the highway system eventually received higher government subsidization, and the CeyDOT eventually took control of most of the paved road system within the nation.

Railways

Rail transport is an important element of the country's transport infrastructure. All major cities in Ceylonia are connected by a vast rail transit system. Ceylon Freight Rail mainly operates freight services while HSC operates high-speed passenger commuter services. CeyDOT oversees all rail transit, passenger and freight, and it is one of the most profitable sectors for the organization, generating 38% of the department's total revenue. The Grand National Station in Santa Maria is the largest rail terminus in the country, and the majority of passenger rail services begin or end in said station. As of 2029, Ceylonia has about 6,000km of high speed tracks, and HSC operates high speed passenger rail services connecting the cities of Santa Maria, East Sachia, Antakee, Saqauwee, and Novo Sierra. The most popular route is from Santa Maria to East Sachia, serving close to 2 million passengers per year.

Airports

There are 41 public airports in Ceylonia. The busiest one is the Santa Maria International Airport, which served about 45 million passengers in 2031, being one of the busiest airports in Crona. The East Sachia Harbor International Airport is located adjacent to the East Sachia National Harbor, and is a close second to Santa Maria as the busiest airport, serving 43 million passengers. Most passenger traffic from the East Sachia airport typically consists of cruise passengers. Other main airports are located in Antakee, Saqauwee, Novo Sierra, and Terrasol.

Demographics

Ceylonia is a very diverse country. In the 2030 Ceylon Census, it was determined that the country had a population of 37,553,282, making it the 40th most populous country in the world. As of 2035, it is estimated that around 41 million inhabitants live in Ceylonia, with that number projected to grow to around 56 million by 2050. The life expectancy in Ceylonia is 81 years, one of the highest in Crona, increasing from 75 years in 1990. Ceylonia is a rapidly- growing country.

Language

Ceylonia has one official language, the Yapokee language. Cartadanian, and Qabóri are considered to be national languages. It is estimated that over 84% of the country’s population is bilingual. Along with the three aforementioned languages, Ceylonia recognizes 38 different linguistic groups, including the 27 tribal languages spoken in the devolved tribal nations of the country. Besides Yapokee, Lahunatl is the most widely spoken of these tribal languages, with over 1.4 million speakers, all within the borders of the Lahunatl tribal nation, closely followed by the Kashakee, Oscaja, Chauakee, and Bausiji languages. Ceylonia is the only Lusophonic nation in Crona, with it being used by about 17 million Ceylonians. Despite the many different linguistic groups, Yapokee is considered the “standard language” for all day-to-day activities within the country, and it is required that every student learn the language upon entering school, with the option to learn either Qabóri or Cartadanian in later grades, with most students choosing the latter language due to the vast colonial history with Cartadania.

Education

As of 2033, the literacy rate in Ceylonia is 95.88%, with numbers being relatively equal for both males and females. The Equal Education Act of 1962 completely reformed the country’s education, and was one of the catalysts to Ceylonia’s vast economic growth in the early 1980’s.

It is required that children attend yearly schooling from ages 5 to 18, for 10 out of the 12 months, typically with a two-month long summer break in June and July. Education is free for public schools, however parents have the option to send their children to a private school, if they are able to afford. However, education in private and public schools are generally the same, with some minor differences between the two.

Once the student graduates from school, they have the option to enter the workforce or attend a public university. Students are mostly recommended to attend university, as it is free and offers many great opportunities for their career. According to global university rankings, the publicly-funded National University of Santa Maria is the highest rated university in the country. Other prominent universities in the country include the East Sachia Polytechnic Institute, Antakee University, and Universidade Baías dos Cocos.

Health

The Health Act of 1929 requires that all Ceylonian citizens have access to free healthcare. The Ceylon Health Service is the regulatory agency responsible for enforcing the Health Act, and receives one of the highest amount of government funding of any regulatory agency. Ceylonia’s healthcare system is very similar to Tierrador’s system, with the CHS devolving its operations based on the 36 qoyalets of the country, with the CHS national office acting as the main authority behind the qoyalet offices. As of 2034, the Ceylon government spends about $3,600 per person on healthcare. Funding is usually allocated by the country’s financial intake for the previous year, along with a significant portion being taken from federal tax revenues. Citizens can opt out of CHS healthcare, but rarely do so because 7% of their yearly income is taken to fund the health system.

Religion

Ceylonia has no official language. Catholicism is the most widespread religion in the country, with about 59% of Ceylonians belonging to the church. About 29% of Ceylonians practice one of the many indigenous folk languages seen throughout the country. The remaining 20% follow Islam, Kapuhenasa, Judaism, and Protestant Christianity.

Culture

Literature

Ceylonian literature is heavily influenced by both Qabóri and Cartadanian literature, due to the country’s colonial history with both nations. Historical Yapokee poet Ayba Shui (1124–1167), was one of the most well-known literary geniuses of Ceylonian history, and wrote close to 700 poems throughout his career. Modern Ceylonian literature is rooted in neoclassic styles. Some of the most well-known modern Ceylonian writers include Gláucio Nascimento, Valter Câmara, Waki Saiša, Eliana Brito, and Helena Valente.

Music

Traditional Ceylonian folk music is one of the most popular genres throughout the country. Besides that, Ceylonian music encompasses a wide variety of different genres. Similar to Tierradorian tuqasai music, traditional Ceylonian music consists of instruments such as ukuleles, flutes, drums, tambourines, and more recently, acoustic guitars and accordions. Some notable folk performers from Ceylonia include Pio Castro, Atanór Bascaôt, Socí Kaîas, and Manoela Barros. Similar to traditional music, Ceylon pop music is also on the rise, particularly from Tierrador and Occidental Crona. Along with most popular South Cronan pop singers/bands, many Lusophonic Ceylon-based pop singers have been on the rise since the late 1980s. Artists with international recognition in Ceylonia include Cartadanian pop artist Adriana Dutra, along with many Ceylon artists, including Constância Costa, Ustai Tapis, Miguel Arás, and Óscar Leite.

Sports

Sports are very important in Ceylonian culture. Football is the most popular sport in the country, with about 1.7 million registered players in 76,000 clubs. The Ceylon Primeira Liga is the highest level for football in the country, being contested by the 18 best clubs every year from August to May. The “big three” of Ceylon football clubs (Sporting CC, Tagão and FC East Sachia) are the three most popular clubs in the country, share the top 3 most titles in both the Primeira Liga and the Taça Ceilonia, and are the only 3 clubs to have never been relegated from the top flight. Some of the greatest Ceylon footballers include Joaõ Moreira, Ciríaco Cavaco, Tristão Dantas, and Vítor Sapateiro. Some Ceylon football managers are also very well-known, including Viriato Bandeira and José Pimentel. The Ceylon national football team has won the Cronan Championship once, in 1999, where they defeated Arcerion 2–1. The country qualified for the WAFF World Cup 8 times, with their best finish being in the 2006 quarterfinal.

Despite the country’s climate not typically being in favor of the sport, ice hockey still is the second-most popular sport in Ceylonia. The OHL has two clubs based in Ceylonia: the Santa Maria Blazers, who have won 2 Watson Cups in their franchise history, and the East Sachia Tubarões, who have won 1 King of Tapkoii Trophy. Some notable Ceylon hockey players include Timoteo Sequeira, Adriano Torres, Raymundo Cabral, and Rubinho Cordeiro. The Ceylon national ice hockey team has participated in 6 World Cups of Hockey, with its highest finish being in the 2012 semifinals, where they lost to the eventual champion Tierrador.

Media

There are many different forms of media in Ceylonia. Ceilônia Televisão is the state-owned public broadcaster in the country, operating five different free-to-air channels. A popular conspiracy theory across the country states that Ceilônia Televisão is politically affiliated with the PpY, the country’s current ruling party, and airs subliminal propaganda through its channels. Ceilônia Televisão has released several statements regarding this theory, but has never outright denied it. The theory has been turned into a recurring joke in the broadcaster’s central office in Santa Maria. Ceilônia Televisão is available in several different languages, including Yapokee, Cartadanian, Qabóri, and all of the 27 federally recognized tribal languages. Besides Ceilônia Televisão, there are over one hundred television channels, domestic and international, that operate throughout the country.

In terms of radio, Radîyapoké is the state-owned radio broadcaster. However, as television usage became more prominent throughout the country, radio usage has declined by a significant percentage. Now, radio broadcasting can only be accessed through a car. Paper media is also on the decline. The Ceylon government does not control the paper media in the same sense that it controls both radio and television. The most popular newspaper, the Correio Santa Maria, is the most well-known newspaper service in the country. Other newspaper services include East Sachia-based Tempos de Portos, Ceilônia Hoja, and Yapokétaši.