Arona
Republic of Arona 'Airouna Apublika | |
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 Flag
 Emblem of State
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Motto: Locus Poenitentiae ("A place of repentance") | |
| Capital and largest city | Toucari |
| Official languages | Reform Tainean |
| Religion | Catholic Church |
| Demonym(s) | Aronan (noun) Aronese (adjective) |
| Government | Unitary Julian republic |
• President | Alfons Elan (TSDP) |
• National Administrator | Enola Etania (TSDP) |
• Chair of the Proprietary Assembly | Elsu Albeno (TSDP) |
| Legislature | Proprietary Assembly |
| Establishment | |
• Independence from Oustec | 1858 |
• Republic proclaimed | 1920 |
| Population | |
• Estimate | 3,702,119 |
| GDP (nominal) | estimate |
• Total | $68,492,903,619 |
• Per capita | $18,501 |
| Currency | Taler |
Arona, officially the Republic of Arona, is a country in Vallos. It is neighbored by Equatorial Ostiecia and Vespera. The country originated as a borderland province of Oustec, a pirate state in northern Vallos who thrived at interdicting Occidental trade between the 16th and 18th century. In the early 1700s, Oustec experienced a period of decline in the face of continued Burgoignesc military success, and Arona began to become culturally distinct due to its land military orientation. In the 1850s, Oustec was invaded and subsequently partitioned during the Odurian War, and as part of the conflict Arona declared its independence with assistance from Urcea. Since then, Arona has maintained an official agreement of protection with Urcea, and during that period the country has become increasingly influenced by both the Urcean culture and economy.
Arona is a protectorate of Urcea.
Etymology
"Arona" originated as a term in antiquity as the Latinized form of the word "hairouna", or "land of the blessed", in ancient language of the Tainean people. The meaning behind its appellation is unclear, although it seems to be a term related to the weather or sea conditions enjoyed by the residents of the land rather than any particular characteristic of its people.
Geography
Arona sits in the far northern portion of Vallos on its west coast. The country, and northern Vallos in general, straddle the equator, with Arona being just south of the equator. Accordingly, Arona's climate is tropical and experiences warm to hot temperatures throughout the year. Additionally, most of Arona is extremely humid, with rainforests covering the center portion of the country.
Arona is generally divided into three geographic regions; its southwestern coastal flatlands, its central valley region, and its eastern highlands. The southwestern coastal region is predominantly characterized by urban development, and Toucari, along with other major cities, dot the coast, and some suburban development stretches out northward from the coast. A majority of Aronese people live in the coastal plain. Further north, in the center of the country, the coastal plain is separated from the rest of the country by the Colibir Mountains, the tallest in Arona. North of the Colibir is the extremely lush and low-lying Bara Valley, which features significant rainforest coverage and relatively little human use. Just north of the Bara are the eastern highlands region, suitable for farming and other activities. The highlands gradually slope upward towards the Maru Mountains, which partly establish Arona's borders with Equatorial Ostiecia.
History
Arona shares most of its history with the rest of Vallos, only assuming a distinct identity within the context of the formation of the Kingdom of Oustec, the most prominent of the so-called piratocracies. The kingdom was established in the 16th century and divided itself into provinces largely based around several key coastal cities which served as maritime hubs. Arona was established as the Harounan Province in 1598, encompassing Oustec's then-recent conquest in what would become its southwestern border territory. Unlike most of Oustec, Arona would remain primarily Tainean rather than Latino-Tainean due to its status as a backwater province and lack of Latin influence during the medieval period and beyond.
Provincial history
From 1598 to the 19th century, the Harounan Province existed as a relatively peripheral portion of the Oustec Kingdom and was governed according to typical Oustec fashion, with the King appointing a General Proprietor to govern the province who served at the King's pleasure. Unlike most of the other provinces, Arona was not well designed to serve as a pirate port due to its westward orientation. Instead, it was relatively conventional in its purpose, serving as a strategic land buffer for the more prosperous and valuable northern port cities against the polities of the central third of Vallos. Its position as a strategic buffer meant that, unusually for Oustec, an army general was typically invested as General Proprietor. Its position also meant that Arona's interior received investments from the provincial government, forming one of the best road systems away from the coast in all of Oustec. As part of its mandate, the Harounan Province was given special privilege which would prevent the King from sapping land soldiers from the province for use as sailors, marines, or northern city garrisons.
Arona's position necessitated the development of a land army and militia culture not present or needed in the rest of the Kingdom. In the written record, the notable differences between Arona and the rest of the Kingdom were already noted as of 1702, when the Bergendii traveler Josèp Magal noted that "its people look for glory on the land, not on the sea...in stone castles, rather than aftcastles, will you find the people of Harounan." Due to its southward military orientation and remoteness from the sea lanes of St. Brendan's Strait, Arona saw little Levantine intervention and Bergendii military action relative to the rest of the Kingdom during the 18th and early 19th century.
King Abey II of the Oustec attempted a major series of reforms to the Kingdom in the face of continued Bergendii encroachment beginning in 1812, intending to transform the piratocracy into an Occidental style monarchy. As part of these reforms, Abey II intended to use the land forces of the Harounan Province as the relatively elite core of a new professional army for Oustec, ending the monopoly of state attention received by the navy and privateers. Two successive General Proprietors objected and were removed by Abey, before an archipelago leader from the privateer service was appointed. This appointment led to riots in Arona, and the militia refused to swear an oath of allegiance to the new General Proprietor. Additionally, the militia refused a direct order from the King to redeploy to the northern coast in order to ward off a potential Bergendii armed landing that year. The prospect of civil war loomed before Abey ultimately backed down, reappointing the previous General Proprietor and leaving the privilege in place. The incident greatly embarrassed the royal government and strained relations between Arona and the rest of Oustec from then on.
In 1845, Akule Cornelio became General Proprietor of the Harounan Province. Cornelio continued a relatively antagonistic stance between Oduria and Arona during his time as General Proprietor.
Oustec collapse and Urcean intervention
In 1858, the Kingdom of Oustec was suddenly invaded by Caphiria in reaction to a number of events relating to the unification of Burgundie, with Caphirian forces entering the country on the morning of 18 March. Caphirian forces scored a number of early victories, putting in doubt the longterm viability of Oustec as an independent Kingdom. Burgundie launched a counterinvasion of the Kingdom later in the spring in order to prevent the remaining territory from falling entirely to Caphiria. Both Occidental countries made significant progress into the remaining territory of the Kingdom. Despite extant tensions with the royal government, Harounan forces fought alongside other Oustec regional troops throughout the early phase of the conflict, proving to be competent but unable to resist the overwhelming force presented by Caphiria and Burgundie. It became apparent by July that Oustec would not be able to maintain its independence for long, leading Akule Cornelio to seek alternative options. He met with local political and economic leaders who implored him to pursue independence and neutrality in the ongoing conflict. Cornelio recalled all Harounan-affiliated forces to the province on 28 July, obstensibly to protect against a claimed Burgoignesc attack. On 8 August, he issued a unilateral declaration of independence from Oustec, proclaiming himself Vocali of the Aronese Vocalate. When it became evident that neither Oustec nor the Occidentals would recognize Arona's independence, he sent a request to the government of Urcea, who had forces relatively nearby in New Archduchy. Riordan VIII seized the opportunity to gain a foothold in Vallos and induced the Conshilía Daoni to formally recognize the Aronese Vocalate on 11 August; forces in New Archduchy were subsequently deployed to Toucari to defend Arona's capital city. On 22 August, Urcea and Arona concluded a treaty recognizing the latter as a loose protectorate of the former. Despite the diplomatic efforts of Urcea, neither Caphiria nor Burgundie would recognize the new state and made no guarantee to steer clear of its territory. Fortunately for Arona, in September the Oustec forces abandoned most of its positions and instead fortified itself in the capital city of Oduria, requiring most Occidental forces to be positioned into a siege. Despite this, skirmishing between Harounan forces with Caphirian and Burgoignesc forces at the periphery continued throughout the war, skirmishing which started to include Urcean forces in mid-1859. The situation approached the possibility of a general war between the three powers before Kiravia mediated a peace agreement. Arona was eventually recognized as an independent protectorate of Urcea and Oustec was partitioned. Vocali Akule I was recognized as sovereign lord of Arona.
Throughout the 1860s and 1870s, Akule spent significant time and effort trying to build the political and social institutions of a newly independent realm while trying to leverage Urcean economic development. In 1860, the Royal Navy built its first permanent naval base in Toucari and organized the new Brenedine Squadron to garrison the base. In the 1870s, Arona built a rudimentary railway system linking Toucari and the eastern border, a system that would gradually be improved with some Urcean input through about 1920, when it reached Occidental standards.
First Great War
The rise of the Crown Regency in Urcea in 1889 sparked significant uncertainty in Arona. By the fourth decade of the protectorate's existence in the 1890s, Urcea's Royal Navy was viewed abroad to be outdated, and this disparity was noted by the Aronese. on 4 March 1891, an armored cruiser of Burgundie made a refueling stop in Toucari. In port next to several Royal Navy vessels, the advanced Burgoignesc ship towered over the antiquated broadside ironclads, sparking significant unrest among the populace. The uncertainty came amidst a new man on the throne. Vocali Akule I died and was succeeded by his son, Akule II. The new Vocali tried and failed to receive reassurances from Gréagóir FitzRex that more advanced warships would be deployed to reinforce the Brenedine Squadron. Unknown to the populace, officials within the Conshilía Purpháidhe informed Akule in confidential messages that no more advanced warships were available. This news gave Akule great anxiety and inaugurated a period of domestic military buildup from 1892 through 1895. The increasing military expenditure led many to question the necessity of the protectorate agreement. In 1897, forces loyal to House de Weluta launched the '97 Rising in Urcea. The Brenedine Squadron and its commander declared neutrality in the conflict, professing loyalty "to Urcea independent of its regent or ruler." Until the restoration in 1902, the Brenedine Squadron became the de facto navy of Arona.
Arona's position of separation from Urcea put it in an extremely precarious position with the beginning of the First Great War. Protected only by its small army and the outdated Brenedine Squadron and bordered by Caphiria and Burgundie, it appeared likely that either or both would take advantage of Urcea's weakness and invade the small Vocalate. Fortunately for Arona, Burgundie announced its recognition of the claims of Patrick III and Caphiria that of the authority of the regent FitzRex. As both of these nations feared weakening the authority of their chosen faction within Urcea by seizing one of the nation's overseas territories, both respected the neutrality of Arona and Urcea's nominal claims of protection. Regardless, from 1897 through 1902, the protectorate was largely defunct, but Urcean influence remained with the presence of the Brenedine Squadron.
Protectorate restored
With the restoration of Patrick III as Apostolic King of Urcea in 1902, the new regime sought to restore some ties and repair others abroad. Urcea's western possessions were in a state of disarray; New Archduchy had declared independence, Arona was left virtually on its own, and New Harren had experienced significant trouble. Patrick III recognized New Archduchy's independence and set to work immediately restoring conditions in Urcea's other two possessions. Employing the same armored cruiser that arrived in 1891, now purchased from Burgundie and sailing for the Royal Navy as HMCMS Wonder, a new flotilla arrived in Toucari on 2 January 1903 to relieve the Brenedine Squadron. The symbolic arrival of a modern steel warship under Urcean colors symbolically heralded the return of the protectorate. Although it had never formally lapsed, Urcea had been viewed as failing in its responsibilities to protect Arona in the 1890s, and the display reassured both Vocali Akule and the populace of Urcea's ability to protect the Vocalate.
With military protection restored, Urcean investment and new economic interests began to flow into the Vocalate in 1907. From the time of the restoration until 1920, Arona grew dramatically. An economic revolution occurred functionally overnight with the construction of Arona's first four factories, transforming the largely agrarian realm into an industrializing one. Prudently, the Government of Urcea decided to retain a light hand on its Vallosi protectorate, relying largely on economic and military incentives to keep it loyal to Urcea.
In 1914, the Vocali solicited Urcea to send educated workers to Arona that could serve as managers and technical experts in the early stages of industrialization. He suggested sending Protestants, which served as the genesis for a broader idea developed over the course of that year and 1915. Urcea's Cisionian people - a self-proclaimed national group of ethnically Urcean Protestants - had long sought settlement abroad, and the government of King Patrick III approached Akule with a proposition: 3,500 Cisionians would be resettled in Arona over the course of the next five years. Those being resettled would have to be educated, which both parties agreed to. Beginning in February 1916, batches of Cisionians would arrive in Arona. The first several hundred of these individuals arrived and began to form neighborhoods in Toucari and elsewhere. They faced significant discrimination, but did successfully take roles as industrial supervisors and technical advisors to new industrial firms and the government. The latter groups of Cisionians who arrived instead established New Ionia, a settlement in the Aronese interior close to the border with Vespera. The program would continue after Akule's death through 1920, when the final group arrived. In all, 3,628 Cisionians were transported to Arona. The Cisionians that arrived then make up the vast majority of ancestors of Arona's modern Protestant population, and in 2030 about 20,000 people in Arona identify as ethnically Cisionian.
The overall industrialization and economic revitalization initiative of Arona had its effect, but the sudden economic transformation inaugurated a social transformation that Vocali Akule was unable to properly grapple with. By his death in 1917, he was deeply unpopular, particularly due to his failure to pursue social policies to alleviate the hardships endured by the decade-old industrial working class. Akule had also spent a significant amount of state funds in the period between 1910 and 1915 building the Cornelian Palace, a lavish home for himself and the other members of the Cornelian dynasty in downtown Toucari; this use of government funds was disliked by the majority of the population, deepening resentment between the population and the royals.
Republic established
Akule II was succeeded by Vocali Elsu I Phillip. The new Vocali's reign began promisingly as a program to benefit the family of miners who had died at work was proposed by the Vocali, but financial difficulties with the program as well as opposition by his ministers scuttled the proposal. On 4 September 1920, Elsu attempted to purge his cabinet and install his own men, but half of the ministers refused to accept his authority, leading to most of the government buildings in Toucari being locked down in a state of semi-coup. The Vocali attempted to induce the Brenedine Squadron to intervene on his behalf; although a detachment of marines secured the port area, they would not take direct action in the dispute. Elsu next tried to rally the people to his side, but his calls for a mass demonstration mostly brought out opponents of both the ministry and monarchy. The initially small lukewarm crowds of royalists were soon supplanted by mass demonstrations against both factions of the government, and by 10 September the Vocali had completely lost control of Toucari. Elsu fled to the safety of the Brenedine Squadron and was subsequently induced to sign a document of abdication. Due to his opposition to the current ministry, the Vocali's document unusually authorized the commanding Návarce of the Brenedine Squadron to choose his successor before moving into exile in Urcea, becoming one of the first of the so-called Dispossessed. The Návarce wired Urceopolis for instructions, and was subsequently told to open negotiations with the demonstrators. Under the leadership of the civil administrator of Toucari, a provisional government was formed until such time that a constitution could be adopted. Having legal authority from the abdication to transfer Aronese sovereignty from one monarch to another, the Návarce agreed to recognize the provisional government as the successor of Vocali Elsu I. Accordingly, on 12 September, the administrator - Guy Enyeto - became Provisional President of Arona. Elections for a constitutional convention were held on 15 October and the convention met for the first time on 1 November 1920.
The constitutional convention lasted for two months and established a republican government similar in form to that of Urcea's without a monarch. It was the first of what are now called "Julian republics". The new constitution was inaugurated on 4 February 1921 with Enyeto continuing to serve as Provisional President until a election held that November. On 14 March 1921, following a month of sometimes heated debate, the new government of Arona confirmed the nation's existing treaty of protection with Urcea. Enyeto established the Aronese National Movement (ANM) party, a center-right political party which aligned with his own policies of conciliation with the Occident while building up national institutions and a strong military. In the November 1921 elections, Enyeto's ANM won 70 of 92 seats in the Proprietary Assembly, beginning a period of six decades of ANM majority or coalition-leading governments.
Second Great War
During the Second Great War, Arona declared its neutrality, but due to its association with Urcea it remained involved in the conflict in a peripheral sense. It was briefly under threat of invasion from Vespera, the neighboring possession of Caphiria. However, Vespera was cut off from Sarpedon relatively early in the war by Cartadanian forces in Porta Bianca and Burgoignesc forces based in Equatorial Ostiecia. After being isolated, Caphirian forces in the region switched over into the defensive, which they would remain in for the rest of the conflict. Vespera was overrun by allied forces later in the war. As the invasion of Vespera began, Arona broke its strict pledge of neutrality and allowed allied forces to pass through Aronese territory. As the immediate threat to its sovereignty had subsided, on 1 July 1937, Arona declared war on Caphiria. Aronese participation was largely limited to assuming main occupation duties of Vespera in order to allow allied forces to transfer its forces elsewhere, though a single Aronese infantry regiment participated in the in the invasion of Ventotene in 1938. Like with Vespera, the regiment assumed primary occupation duties of Ventotene on behalf of Urcea in order to allow it to transfer its forces to other theaters. At the end of the war, Arona received monetary compensation from both sides; from the allies, as a payment for their occupation duties, and from Caphiria as reparations. The compensation payments were relatively significant given the size of the country, and Aronese arms enjoyed significant prestige at home for their successful participation in the conflict. The Second Great War had minimal loss of life and negative impact on Arona, instead providing not only economic benefit but enhanced national unity and identity.
Annexation of Galib
The small island of Galib, just off the western shore of Arona, was part of Oustec at various times throughout its history but broke away during the latter's reform era. The Aronese had long held interest in the island, especially as the nation sought to increase its oceanic access and viability as a trade power. The island, recognized by the League of Nations as an independent state in 1951, was invaded by Arona in 1958. Galib's small military was easily overwhelmed and Arona occupied the entire island within a month. The invasion drew mass condemnation but the League was ultimately unable to intervene due to the influence of Urcea on the League of Nations Security Council. While Urcea's protection of Arona solidified the relations between the protector and protectorate, it had a gravely negative impact on Urcea's perception abroad during the Occidental Cold War.
The political and economic integration of Galib, in addition to the military and strategic concerns poised by the Occidental Cold War, would become the dominant concern of the Aronese state for the remainder of the 20th century. Although small, the population and land area were still significant relative to Arona's smaller size. The Occidental Cold War exacerbated the issue, as from 1962 through 1971 opponents of the Aronese government received funds and arms from Caphiria. The Aronese military struggled, at times, to contain the threat, requiring occasional assistance from the Urcean Royal Marine Corps. By 1970, the major ringleaders of the resistance movement were captured, splintering the group and precipitating the end of Caphirian support for the project the next year. On the advice of the Urcean government, the Aronese government issued blanket pardons to resistance fighters and leaders on 1 May 1972. The pardons, along with new social programs specifically intended to alleviate poverty on the island, decreased tensions significantly. 1 May is celebrated on Galib as the "Healing Day" holiday. By 1980, Galib's politics were largely integrated into Arona's, but significant efforts to integrate the island economically - including both a difference in basic logistical systems as well as the island's relative poverty - would remain a top policy issue well into the early 2000s.
The annexation of Galib was initially popular, leading to a resurgence of popularity for the flagging Aronese National Movement (ANM) party in the 1961 Aronese election. However, the ongoing insurgency, military failures, and problems with integration significantly affected the ANM's popularity. It lost seats in the 1965, 1969, and 1973 elections, and in 1973 it was reduced to a leading a grand coalition government with the rival Tainean Social Democratic Party. The subsequent successes in Galib, and defections of LOTA members to alignment with Caphiria, led to a renewal of the ANM in the 1977 and 1981 election as the party ramped up Venceiophobic rhetoric and calls for national defense against Vespera.
Post-Cold War
The end of the Occidental Cold War in the 1980s brought about significant political and cultural changes in Arona. For the first time in its history, Arona was no longer in danger of immediate invasion from either of its northern or eastern neighbors, and a sense of culture shock to the traditionally "militia cultured" Aronese people set in. This culture shock precipitated a political realignment within the country, as the traditional political parties which emphasized their ability to keep the Republic safe struggled to find relevancy in this new age of tranquility. In 1985, one year after the signing of the Assumption Accords, the Tainean Social Democratic Party (TSDP) won a majority of seats in the Proprietary Assembly, ushering in new leadership for the new era. Between 1986 and 1989, the Republican Guard was downsized significantly, with the savings spent on improving the social safety net and building better infrastructure in the poor rural northeast. Economic ties with Vespera were implemented by the TSDP in its second term (1990-1993), leading to some improvements in the Aronese economy. The TSDP continued to govern the country until the 2001 election, when a reinvigorated ANM won back control of the government. Since 2001, party control of the government has changed hands several times, and political engagement within Arona has continued to rise. Arona's government in the 21st century remained neutral in the Deluge, including in the Final War of the Deluge, which was an issue of significant controversy within the domestic political sphere.
Government
Arona is a unitary republic whose institutions are largely based off of those of the Government of Urcea, usually referred to as a Julian republic. Like most other Julian-style states, Arona has a head of state, a chief executive, and a head of government who also serves as the political leader of the legislature. The form and function of the Aronese government is set forth under the Constitution of Arona, adopted on 4 February 1921.
Arona utilizes a common law system, and accordingly the nation's top appellate court - the Republican Tribunal - is an important institution for the upholding and interpretation of the law and constitution.
The Aronese government generally has poor relations with most other nations in Vallos. The Aronese people were surveyed in 2031, with the poll indicating that only 11% of Aronans have a favorable view of Lucrecia and only 15% having a favorable view of Takatta Loa. Accordingly, the government generally treats those nations with suspicion, especially given their stance against the Aronese protectorate. The Aronan government and people have positive views of Urcea and mixed views on Burgundie, with more decidedly negative views on the people of Equatorial Ostiecia than the Burgoignesc metropole. Besides Urcea, Arona enjoys its best foreign relationship with Castadilla, and most Aronese government leaders believe Castadilla sees Arona as a peer.
Executive
Executive responsibilities in Arona are shared by the President and National Administrator, the former of whom serves as head of state and the latter as chief executive. Like the Apostolic King of Urcea, the President has relatively limited responsibilities that include serving as a symbol of national sovereignty and appointment of military officers and judges. Unlike the Urcean King, however, the President holds an unrestrained suspensive veto that can suspend the consideration of any legislation by the Proprietary Assembly for a period of up to 364 days, the term of which is at the President's discretion. The President also signs legislation into law, and has no authority to reject legislation. Thus, the primary difference between the Urcean and Aronese forms of government relates to the role of the head of state in the legislature. The President is elected nationally once every ten years, and can only serve one term.
The National Administrator has more significant limitations than the Urcean Procurator, as he has no official role within the legislature. However, he is head of the treasury and controls the expenditure of funds, and consequently, has oversight of the cabinet. The National Administrator also has authority over the Aronese military. The National Administrator is elected nationwide, serving four year terms for a maximum of three terms, following the same election cycle as the Proprietary Assembly. The Aronese government is unique among Julian republics in that its chief executive - the National Administrator - is far weaker than any other Julian style state. Domestically, there has been a strong minority movement for reform of the constitution, eliminating the Administrator and dividing his responsibilities between the President and Chair, thus making Arona a more traditional semi-presidential republic.
The cabinet enjoys broad authority over its respective policy areas. Its members are appointed by the Chair of the Proprietary Assembly. The Chair holds no direct authority over the cabinet - that power is reserved to the Administrator - but holds significant political influence over the cabinet's members. The cabinet members, called Ministers, serve at the pleasure of the Proprietary Assembly, and can be removed at any time by a motion of no confidence.
Legislature
The unicameral Proprietary Assembly serves as the national legislature of Arona, possessing the power to make and repeal laws, declare war, approve treaties, make and amend the state budget, and impeach public officials. Additionally, members of the national cabinet may be removed by a vote of the Assembly. The body is comprised of 92 representatives who serve four year terms, with elections being held every four years beginning with 1921. The Assembly is led by the Chair of the Proprietary Assembly, who holds some authority comparable to a head of government and has authority to appoint cabinet members.
Local governance
As a province of Oustec at the time of its independence, Arona retained most of its pre-independence provincial governance structure. Accordingly, Oustec is a unitary state divided into four administrative zones and forty three municipalities. The zones share the same geographic outline as the former provincial "frontierships", military administrative areas where one general was responsible for protection of Oustec's frontier. The administrative zones serve little function other than a method by which the judicial system is organized as well as a clearinghouse for militia service and conscription, if needed; in this way, they retain their original military-oriented purpose. The forty three municipalities completely divide Arona in the sense that there is no unincorporated territory within the country. The municipalities are largely organized along traditional Occidental lines, with an elective mayor and local legislative body. The names and membership for these institutions are determined by local ordinance and vary greatly.
Politics
As a republic with a century-long electoral tradition, Arona has a complex political life with a high degree of engagement in the political process by the Aronan people. Electoral participation is generally high in Arona, with turnout averaging 73.2% per election between 1980 and 2030. Arona has three major political parties. The largest party is the center/center-right Aronese National Movement (ANM), the party which governed the country virtually the entire 20th century. The ANM is characterized as pro-Occidental, pro-military, with a focus on economic development by means of foreign capital. ANM is generally favored by economic elites, part of the middle class, and members of the military. The second largest party, and the party currently in government is the Tainean Social Democratic Party (TSDP), which is center/center-left. TSDP is moderate on the issue of Arona's relationship with Urcea, instead focusing on improving living conditions and improving the social safety net. TSDP is generally popular among the urban poor but its base is voters in Arona's northeastern rural corner, the poorest part of the country. The smallest of the three major political parties in Arona is the Independence Front (IF), which began as an anti-Protectorate single-issue party but has since become a big-tent centrist party whose economic vision largely aligns with the TSDP. The IF is mostly popular among Aronese intellectuals and a segment of the college educated middle class.
Culture
The people of Arona are part of the Tainean culture. Unlike other parts of Vallos, the Aronese retain many traditional aspects of medieval Tainean culture; sitting on Vallos's western coast, it was not subject to large scale Adonerii colonization during antiquity, and the subsequent historical focus on the interior part of the country during the early modern period precluded major Occidental colonization. Accordingly, many Aronese refer to themselves as "Pure Tainean." Nevertheless, many regional variations of the Tainean culture except within Arona, and as with most other places in Vallos, Latin and Latin-descent names and vocabulary terms are common in Arona. Additionally, the longterm presence of Urcea has had a significant cultural effect on the Aronese people, with Urcean names becoming extremely common and the Julian Ænglish language becoming known by 90% of the population in some form.
Due to its establishment as a military frontier, the Aronese people strongly identify with the notion of "citizen soldiers" and militia defense of one's homeland. For this reason, the arm of a man with an axe serves as the national flag of Arona. As part of this tradition, firearms ownership in Arona is extremely high, at a rate of 43.2 guns per 100 residents as of 2030. Firearms are a major part of the life and culture of rural Aronese especially, with shooting competitions and gunshows being part of most major festivals and fairs.
Barbireito is a major Aronese thanksgiving festival taking place around the 17th of September. It is considered the cultural new year's celebration even though the Aronese recognize January 1st as the official new year day. The term Barbireito comes from the Tainean words Barbacu` and Areito, the words for barbeque and holiday respectively, reflecting its enduring practice of barbeque. The pre-Christian roots of the holiday appear to have been a harvest festival to the god of the river, where cowrie shells are offered to the river in thanks for the harvest and pigs are ritually slaughtered to be cooked into barbacu`, or barbeque. In modern times this religious significance has been lost and it is viewed as a tradition of Tainean culture in Arona. It is widely celebrated and is a national holiday, with most families partaking in it. The day before, a freshly slaughtered pig is marinated in a mixture of spices, pan sugar and vinegar and then slowly baked overnight in a communal oven. On the day of Barbireito, the extended family gathers to eat a feast that includes both the barbacu` alongside other dishes associated with the harvest, such as tomato rice, a type of sourdough bread that is baked with chunks of tomatoes, maize, papaya and breadfruit. After the feast which often includes reminiscing and reflecting on the family and the year so far. At sunset, people gather around the river to toss cowrie shells into the river for good luck until the next Barbireito.
Demographics
The population of Arona in 2030 was 3,702,119. Of this figure, the vast majority of Aronese are ethnically Aronese Tainean, with around 3.25 million people identifying as such in the 2030 census. Various other Vallosi ethnic groups exist within the country in some numbers, including Delepasians and Loa. A moderately sized population of Urcean people has lived in the country since the 20th century, with about 100,000 reporting as ethnically Urcean in 2030. Additionally, about 20,000 people identify as Cisionians, a Urcea-derived Protestant ethnic identity, whose ancestors were settled in the country in the 1910s.
Linguistic Demographics
The most Aronese speak Reform Tainean, a standardization of Tainean languages and dialects from the early 20th century. The remnant primarily speak Julian Ænglish as a first language, with a small number still speaking old Tainean dialects. Julian Ænglish is known as a first or second language by more than 90% of Aronese people.
Religious Demographics
Religious affiliations in Arona (2030)
Like other countries in northern Vallos, Arona has a strong Catholic majority dating back to the arrival of Christianity during the medieval Caphiric hegemony period. Catholicism remains an important part of Aronese public life, and has been designated as the state's "historically acknowledged religion", a proclamation generally accepted to mean its establishment as the official state faith.
Several other religions present in Vallos are also present in Arona, particularly Islam. A relatively small cohort of Marian Kapuhenasa also practice within the country. Kapuhenasa itself is present but is the source of significant social stigma. Arona also has an irreligious population, which exploded in popularity in the 1980s but has since settled in at about 5% of the population.
The country's small Protestant population is majority Cisionian, a Levantine people settled in the country in the 1910s. The country's Protestants were under the aegis of the College of Levantine Churches from the establishment of that body until 2020. The local Protestant churches heavily resisted the transition to the Ecclesiastical Assembly of Sarpedon due to longstanding tensions between people in Vallos and mainland Sarpedon. As old ethnic tensions subsided and Venceiaskepticism died down in the decades following the end of the Occidental Cold War, openness to joining the Ecclesiastical Assembly gradually increased before Arona's Protestants voted to join in 2020.
Economy
Arona has a moderately stable, balanced economy, with a GDP PC of $18,501 in 2030. The country has a small manufacturing sector primarily focused on automobiles, simple electronic devices and components, and small arms, most of which are licensed designs from Urcean manufacturers. Arona's major cities are generally reliant on the service sector, especially Toucari, where the large presence of Urcea's Royal Navy as well as the presence of the University of Arona require significant amenities that generate economic activity. Manufacturing is spread evenly throughout the country's various cities, creating no single "industrial area" within the country. Overall, Toucari is the economic center of the country as well as its wealthiest part, with wealth gradually declining further inland from Toucari. Much of Arona's interior is made up of farmland, and Arona is self-sustaining in terms of agricultural produce. A majority of Arona's farmers operate profitable farms, but a significant minority - 41.2% in 2030 - operated small subsistence farms, with these farmers primarily living around the country's eastern border. In the past, Arona grew various products for export that would go on to be considered controlled substances in most Occidental countries, but the farming of such goods began to decline at the beginning of the protectorate era. The eastern borderlands are the poorest part of Arona, with economic activity there mostly limited to economic spillover from neighboring Vespera and the small city of New Ionia. On the west coast, fishing is an important industry, especially so on the island of Galib, where it is the largest industry. A small but growing tourist industry has arisen in the country since the end of the Occidental Cold War in 1984.
Arona's infrastructure is considered by international observers to be in fair condition. The only major international airport in Arona is in Toucari, which also hosts the nation's major seaport. Arona's single major highway, the six-lane National Course runs west to east from Toucari to the eastern border, with smaller roads branching off to reach other destinations inland. Railways connect all major cities as well, with NatioTrans serving as Arona's public transportation system.
In 1979, Arona adopted the Taler as its currency. Initially, Arona issued its own currency, the Vallosi Florin (VF), which was intended to be pegged at a value of one tenth that of the taler and took the form of a banknote. For most of its history, Arona struggled to require the specie reserves necessary to support the value of the VF, leading to great fluctuation and periods of hyperinflation of its value. In 1936, in the midst of the Second Great War, the Aronese government switched to a fiat currency. This inaugurated the last great period of hyperinflation but had the intended effect of stabilizing the currency somewhat. By 1950, a single VF was worth one fiftieth of a taler, or about two cents. As the relationship with Urcea continued and relations with Burgundie and Equatorial Ostiecia greatly improved in the 1940s and 50s, adoption of the taler became an important political issue. The political issue gained more urgency in the 1950s, as both the taler and Aureus were entering more common use in the economy despite the Florin retaining its official status. With agreement from the Levantine Union and after a decades-long political battle, Arona began its eight-year transition to the taler in 1971.
Military
The Aronese military consists of three branches: the Republican Guard, which functions as land forces; the State Air Forces, which serve an air force role, and; the State Naval Forces, which function both as a national navy as well as serving some law enforcement, coast guard-type functions. The Aronese military is an all-volunteer organization. Administratively, it is overseen by the Ministry of National Defense.
The Republican Guard (RG) is the primary component of the Aronese military, having the longest history and deepest tradition within Aronese society. It traces its origin to the original Harounan Provincial military forces of the Kingdom of Oustec, and today serves as the primary instrument of domestic Aronese defense. The Republican Guard maintains all of the nation's border crossings, garrisons various border defenses, and during wartime is expected to serve alongside the Urcean Royal and Imperial Army in any operations relating to maintaining Arona's national sovereignty. In peacetime, the RG also conducts non-traditional tasks such as humanitarian support during floods, fires, and other natural disasters. As of 2030, it was comprised of 10,582 active personnel organized into two mechanized brigades.
The State Air Forces (SAF) are responsible for the aerial defense of Arona. This mission primarily requires the SAF to have aircraft intended to complement the Republican Guard's combat operations. It is also anticipated that, in the event of war, much of the necessary offensive operations - as well as significant intereceptor responsibilities - would fall to the Urcean Royal Air Force. Of its 74 aircraft, the SAF has 10 close air support aircraft, 9 attack helicopters, 29 transport and utility helicopters, and 12 trainers. The SAF had 2,971 personnel as of 2030.
The State Naval Forces (SNF) are the smallest branch of the Aronese military, as their mission is largely complementary to that of the significant Urcea Royal Navy presence in the country. Accordingly, the SNF functions primarily as a law enforcement body, with port security, drug interdiction, aid to navigation, search and rescue, and other related responsibilities comprising the bulk of the SNF's mission. The SNF is based out Galib, rather than Toucari, where the Royal Navy base is located. As of 2030, the SNF had 15 patrol boats, 5 torpedo boats, 2 minesweepers, and a handful of small tender ships. The SNF also operate two search and rescue helicopters that have the capability of being transferred into anti-submarine duty in the event of war. As of 2030, the SNF had 1,348 personnel.
