Rusana

Republic of Rusana نوتستان من رو بخور
Flag
Motto: Istiqlol - Ozodī - Vatan Independence - Freedom - Homeland
Anthem: Brave Rusana
Capital and largest city	Tabish
Ethnic groups	57.5% Rusani 15% Daxian 10.7% Yue 9.3% Tauqi 7.5% Kassar
Demonym(s)	Rusani
Government	Unitary Republic
• President	Rostam Khosa
• Upper house	Assembly of Tribal Elders
• Lower house	National Assembly
Establishment
• Ancient Kingdoms	Pre 665
• Oduniyyad Caliphate	665-860
• Caliphate Successor States	860-1685
Area
• Total	794,582 km2 (306,790 sq mi)
Population
• 2020 estimate	54,650,440
• Density	69/km2 (178.7/sq mi)
Currency	Daric
Driving side	right
Calling code	+616

Rusana, officially the Republic of Rusana is a sovereign state located in southern Audonia. Rusana shares a land border with Daxia to the east, Canpei to the north and the Pukhtun Sea to the south. Rusana has a land area of 794,582 km2 and is a landlocked nation, having lost its coast in historical conflicts with Daxia. According to the 2027 census it has a population of roughly 54 million people. The population of Rusana is split almost evenly between urban and rural areas, with the capital city of Tabish being the undisputed center of economic activity. The country is ethnically diverse with a majority of Rusani people and a plethora of smaller groups including Daxians, Tauqi, Yue and Kassar peoples. The majoritarian faith is Islam, a product of the expansion of the Oduniyyad Caliphate, with smaller groups of Christians and syncretic religions. Rusana's economy is medium sized with certain underdeveloped sectors, relying primarily on the export of raw materials, agricultural products, fishing and low level manufacturing. Its economy is extremely reliant on Daxian transport infrastructure to export its products.

Rusana has seen human habitation since at least 4,000 BC and has been a battleground for several regional powers including the Oduniyyad Caliphate and various Daxian dynasties. It went through various phases of unification and fragmentation into smaller emirates and taifas before falling under the influence of the Qian dynasty which proceeded to extend its dominion of the region through a system of Imperial Viceroys. Rusana was finally unified into a modern state in the 20th century under a series of military governments. The strain of a power struggle by various ideological groups derived in the outbreak of the Rusani Civil War which lasted from 1953 to 1965 and ended when the Daxian Little Incursion swung the balance of power decisively against the Islamist side.

History

Early Habitation

Golden coin depicting Xvim the Black, king of ancient Nasrad

The territory of modern Rusana has been continously inhabited since at least the fourth millenium BC when migratory waves of people possibly originating in the plains of north Audonia settled in the area. The civilization centered in the ancient city of Pharod dates at least back to 3890 BC according to radiocarbon dating. For much of antiquity the city of Pharod held a preeminent position and its people spread to other parts of modern day Rusana, founding new cities such as Nasrad, Khaton, Turaq and Rilban. All of these cities had their own kings but they still deferred and sent tribute to Pharod as the mother city. The kings of Pharod promoted agriculture and new methods of irrigation, created the regions first coinage made from hardened clay, instituted an alphabet and writing in clay tablets and began the first roads of hardened dirt to connect cities. Pharodian civilization established diplomatic and trade relations with Daxian proto states to the east and with the polities of the Pukhgundi peninsula to the west. The Pharodians worshiped a pantheon of pagan gods, chief among them Dagan, a god of the sky, with the king serving as Dagan's head priest. This gave the pharodian line of kings a dual role as both secular ruler and head of the state religion. In time this would lead to attempts to bring Pharod's colonies under more direct control, starting a series of bloody conflicts that would span the reigns of several kings.

In 1020 BC an alliance between Nasrad and Khaton started a war against the mother city of Pharod. The Pharodian army was ambushed and all but destroyed at the Battle of Parnaza, leaving the city defenseless and leading to its brutal sacking by the Nasrid and Khaton armies. After this Pharod went into an irreversible decline, with the city no longer ruled by a native king but by bureaucrats from Nasrad and Khaton. Statues and religious icons from the cult of Dagan were moved to Nasrad, signifying the city's new status as the overlord of the region. The collection of cities under the overlordship of Nasrad is now believed by modern historians to have been called the Union of Nasrad and Khaton, as the two victors over Pharod were for a time equals. It's under the reign of King Xvim the Black in 935 BC that the union began to fall apart over disputes centered in religious and diplomatic protocol. Xvim demanded that envoys from Khaton prostrate before him instead of the customary bowing, thus acknowledging the supremacy of Nasrad over Khaton. This dispute broke out into fighting in Pharod between the rival camps, with the Nasrids being chased out of the city. In response Xvim marched his army and laid siege to Pharod, demanding that Khaton surrender control of the city to him. When he was refused, the Nasrid army laid siege to Pharod for six years before breaking the resistance and unleashing the second great sack of Pharod which ended that city's existence for good. With the nobility and army of Khaton decimated in the siege, Xvim the Black claimed hegemony over all of the colonies of Pharod, he took the title of Highest of Kings to signify his new status.

The line of Xvim ruled almost uninterrupted for 500 years, and the empire of Nasrad lasted almost 1,600 years despite many vicissitudes. The reasons for the longevity of this polity can be attributed to its efficient bureaucracy, the strength and unifying influence of the cult of Gilgeam the Horse-Eater and the constant warring with invading states from beyond the Arik mountains which left little time for petty internal squabbling. Despite this the kingdom was unprepared for the falling blade that was the Oduniyyad Caliphate and its lightning quick armies of cavalry that efficiently dismantled the infantry legions of Nasrad.

Oduniyyad Caliphate Period (665-860)

Starting in 665 CE, the expanding Oduniyyad Caliphate began its conquest of the southwestern states of Alshar. The wali of the Bulkawan wilayat, a certain Malik Ibn Harun landed in Pukhgundi with thirty thousand troops and secured the submission and conversion of its rulers to Islam. He reorganized the kingdom into the Alsar Wilayah with himself as governor. Founding the fort of Haras at the eastern edge of Pukhgundi's territory and leaving a small garrison, Malik Ibn Harun continued his eastern march along the coast into the territory of the Kingdom of Lakdu, his army augmented by five thousand levies from Pukhgundi. Ibn Harun then gained the allegiance of the Lakdu vassal king of Sikam, impressing him with the size of his army and the tenets of Islam. Proceeding east and with his army led by Sikam guides, he outmaneuvered the Lakdu army and defeated it at the battles of Lodran and Porus, ending the kingdom's organized resistance.

Coin minted with an image of wali Malik Ibn Harun, used as proof of treason against Caliph Mansur I

Ibn Harun spent all of 667 conquering the now disunited urban centers of Lakdu. He added the territory into the wilayat of Alsar, tried to supress local paganism and endowed new mosques to help propagate the Islamic faith. Unlike other Audonian nobles, Ibn Harun was an enthusiastic supporter of conversion of local populations despite the diminishment in taxation from dhimmi sources. Ibn Harun next sent spies north and east to ascertain the most advantageous route of expansion for the Caliphate. To the east his spies reported the existence of the kingdom of Nasrad who served as a buffer state for a large empire named Korun, with well guarded border forts and vast armies. To them he sent an embassy promising peaceful intent and offered to continue the peaceful trade relation that had been maintained with Lakdu, an offer that was accepted. To the north his spies reported a peaceful, pastoral society who lived in small cities with palisades or in temples in the mountains, the agents reported the name of the country as Dagnum. Malik Ibn Harun determined to attack the tribes of Dagnum to his north first and dispatched letters back to Bulkawan asking for reinforcements with which to attack Korun after. On the eve of the start of his invasion in 668, Malik Ibn Harun was recalled to Audonia, probably the victim of intrigues against him due to his martial success and the size of the territory he governed. He considered resisting the summons but relented when his soldiers mutinied and made it clear they would not follow him into rebellion against God's Caliph. In early 676 Ibn Harun's replacement arrived from Audonia, the wali of Umard, Musa Al Ghanim. For his efforts, Malik Ibn Harun was made wali of a smaller province in the Audonian interior and would go on to be arrested and executed in 690 after plotting to kill the Caliph and install Mansur's nephew on the throne.

Wali Musa Al Ghanim took command of all Oduniyyad forces and began the campaign with roughly 36,000 troops although he left behind around five thousand cavalry under Khamis Muminir to suppress a pagan uprising in Lakdu. Marching north he defeated several forces of Dagnumites, amounting to merely a few mid sized warbands. As he marched around the countryside he found no large army to fight but was instead constantly being ambushed and harassed by small groups. Getting word that local monks reported on the movements of his army to his enemies, Al Ghanim directed his force to the White Peak Monastery, which was rumored to house several holy relics revered by the Dagnumites. Al Ghanim approached on the monastery and after finding its gates closed to him, laid siege to it. Al Ghanim ordered the setting of mangonels on a nearby hilltop and commenced a bombardment that lasted for three days. Two direct attacks on the gates were repulsed by the monks. A week into the siege the Muslims were informed by spies they had left behind on their march that a large force of at least forty thousand warriors was quickly moving towards White Peak and would be upon the besiegers within a week. Unwilling to abandon the siege Musa Al Ghanim ordered that the pass leading to the monastery be fortified with a palisade while at the same time sending his swiftest riders to alert Khamis Muminir of his pressing need. On March 30th of 676 the tribal army under Ataliqan arrived at the mountain pass to see his way blocked by the wooden palisade erected by the Muslims. With the tables turned and the besieger now being the besieged, Ataliqan ordered his army to storm the palisade, beginning the Battle of Rauran Pass. Ataliqan's troops tried to bring down the wall with makeshift rams, hacking into it with axes and climbing it by hand or with ladders. Each time they were repulsed by a combination of the efforts of the muslim defenders and the mangonels Al Ghanim had repositioned to overlook the pass. The monastery defenders also began routinely sallying forth to put pressure on the muslim rear. On the second day of the battle the palisade was first breached and then brought down with hooks and ropes. A fierce melee ensued in the confined space of the pass, with Musa Al Ghanim being speared through the neck by one of Ataliqan's bodyguards. Just as the morale of the Muslims was wavering, the cavalry of Khamis Muminir arrived and proceeded to charge straight into the back of Ataliqan's army. The surprise arrival of the cavalry and the repeated charges sent the enemy into a panic as they were squeezed between the two Muslim forces. Ataliqan tried to rally his forces but was cut down in the melee and his army was completely routed.

Tomb of Khamis Muminir and his descendants

Musa Al Ghanim would not live to see the surrender of the monastery the next day, dying on the field of battle from the wound to his neck. The monastery of the White Peak would later be converted into the Ghazi Al Ghanim Mosque. He was succeded in command by Khamis Muminir, commander of the cavalry. The Muslim victory at Rauran Pass crippled the military power of the Dagnumites, the loss of men too high for any hopes of further resistance. Muminir spent a further three years imposing the Caliph's rule and building fortresses to cement Odduniyad control in the long term. He separated part of the Alsar wilayat and united it with the new territory to create the Rusana wilayat, named after the Caliph's mother. Khamis Muminir was confirmed by the Caliph as governor and also made the post hereditary for three generations after him. Muminirs governorship would continue until his death in battle in 688 against an insurrection in Pukhgundi. His son Walid would inherit his position as governor and initiate a vast program of colonization, bringing in thousands of lower class Audonian families to his territories. He mandated the construction of the city of Tabish at the Baari inlet to serve as a new port and settled it with audonian immigrants. It is also during his reign that a border war would begin against the Oduniyyad's neighbor to the east, the kingdom of Nasrad. The pressing need for more military forces would give rise to the phenomenon of the slave-soldier, as Oduniyyad authorities enslaved many Dagnumites and forced them to serve in the east. While for most of the Oduniyyad period the majority of the forces available to local governors were composed of Audonians and converts, and Dhimmis were barred from military professions, slaves brought from central Audonia, the northern steppes and Nasrad were plentiful and the system of indoctrinated slave warriors would become very important in post Oduniyyad islamic states.

The Nasrad kingdom, being a subject of the Chen Daxian dynasty could expect to be aided in case of conflict. Therefore Governor Walid determined that the invasion had to proceed as swiftly as possible to prevent Daxian reinforcements from arriving in time to the aid of their vassals. The Odduniyad's began an invasion of Nasrad with two separate armies, moving swiftly through the countryside. The Nasrid forces declined to give open battle and adopted a prolonged defensive strategy of attrition. The Nasrids converted the thousands of irrigation canals of their territory into trenches, spiked pits and positions to harass the mostly cavalry force of the Odduniyads. They also quickly erected hundreds of inexpensive mud towers that could house two or three archers in them, surrounded by sharpened stakes.

In 725 the Caliph Abdul Hakan declared a jihad upon Daxia who began to be called Kafiristan (land of the unbelievers) for a series of Daxian raids on the border city of Khovedjan. Governor Walid Al Muminir was commanded to throw back the infidels past the Arik Mountain range which marked the traditional boundary between the two realms.

Post Caliphate Period (860-1400)

Border skirmishes

Ancient Chen dynasty mural depicting the Battle of Taraz against the Lakdu Sultanate

After the loss of control by the Oduniyyad Caliphate by the year 860, the territory of modern Rusana was divided in three independent kingdoms at the time: Lakdu in the southwest, Ghanim in the east and Al-Zawad in the north; Ghanim being the closest to Daxia. Relations between these Oduniyyad successor states and the empire was fractious, with the Daxians never forgetting the Muslim invasions in the name of spreading their religion. In 870 the Chen court made the determination to send forces into Ghanim to destroy the remnants of the Shang dynasty that had taken refuge there, and if feasible and practical, to force the kingdom of Ghanim to become a tributary and buffer state. General Qu Hou; a veteran of the last Oduniyyad jihad, was given command of the army and advanced into Ghanim's territory at the head of forty thousand men and six thousand Degei auxiliary cavalry, pursuing an estimated twenty thousand Shang loyalists under General Bi Liao. Too outnumbered to stand his ground, Bi Liao sought to evade battle at every turn and sent messengers to the local ruler asking for support. Bi Liao's messengers painted Qu Hou's incursion as an invasion aimed at Ghanim rather than a punitive expedition solely aimed at the Shang remnants. Seeing the sizable Chen army continue to make its way westward, King Farukh agreed to join forces with the Shang to oppose it. Farukh mustered thirteen thousand men, consisting mostly of lightly armored footmen with the exception of the kings own fifteen hundred strong infantry bodyguard clad in heavy lamellar mail. He also brought forth twenty war elephants he had bought from Pukhgundi. The joint Ghanim-Shang force moved to intercept Qu Hou's army and the two forces came into contact at the Battle of Horoz Plain.

Altough numerically inferior, Bi Liao decided to give battle due to the fact the Degei cavalry appeared to have deserted Qu Hou and he expected his elephant squadron and the king's heavy cavalry to give him the decisive edge. Unbeknown to him the Degei had separated on purpose from the main army shortly after entering Ghanim and shadowed them at a distance, and were now rushing to approach his army from the rear. At the onset of the battle Farukh's elephants were sent charging against Qu Hou's center, nearly buckling it until concentrated volleys of fire arrows and rudimentary rockets caused the elephants to panic and turn back just as Bi Liao's infantry was charging, crashing into them and throwing their lines into a panic. Liao now tried frantically to rally his panicking men to face the Daxian charge while Farukh led his elite bodyguard forwards to buy the main force time to reorganize. As Liao's men slowly managed to bring the elephants down while losing ground to Hou's advance, the Degei nomad cavalry arrived at the battle, releasing several volleys that killed and wounded hundreds of men before charging into the rear of Bi Liao. This charge broke the morale of the joint army and sent it into panicked fleeing. Bi Liao was killed by Degei horsemen while trying to escape and his severed head was presented to Qu Hou, while King Farukh was captured and forced to prostrate before Qu Hou. In the aftermath of the battle the kingdom of Ghanim retained its independence but was was forced into becoming a tributary of the Chen dynasty, handing over both the infant Shang pretender, the king's own heir as a hostage and the fertile plains around Lake Doyeon to the Chen. The fate of the child emperor of the Shang is unclear after this, the most common theory being that he was asphixiated by eunuchs with a pillow on his way back to the Chen court. Following the disastrous defeat at the Battle of Horoz plain in 1060, the kingdom of Ghanim fell into the sphere of the Chen dynasty.

Emboldened by the victory at Horoz, the Chen dynasty initiated an invasion of Al-Zawad intending to gain the southern shore of lake Doyeon. As the Chen marched south in the direction of Al-Zawad's heartland, their enemy divided its forces into three separate armies, refusing to engage general Qu Hou's larger army in the open. After reducing several fortresses in late 861, Qu Hou marched on the Al-Zawad capital. The main Al-Zawadid army finally stood in his way to give battle at the village of Pasdar but unbeknownst to Qu Hou his army was being flanked from the east and the west by the other two formations. The initial battle went in favor of the larger Chen army but as it was close to overwhelming the Al-Zawadid infantry the auxiliary armies initiated their attack from the rear and eastern flank. The morale of the Chen collapsed upon being close to encirclement and a rout soon initiated. Qu Hou broke free of the trap with a few hundred horsemen and fled north while the bulk of the Chen infantry tried to flee west, only to get bogged down and picked off in the marshes. The defeat at the battle of Pasdar ended the Al-Zawad expedition and dented Chen military prestige altough Ghanim's own weakened position at the time precluded it taking advantage to throw off its vassal status.

Fragmentation into taifas

Gate of Justice of the Dofzul palace, main residence of the Menguzid rulers

The constant warring during the 13th century accompanied by the financial burdens upon the central treasuries, the decrease in manpower for the civilian economy and agriculture left the Muslim states on the western border of the new Zhong dynasty in a vulnerable position. Discontent with the ruling families both from within and outside grew exponentially. Lakdu's royal family, the Menguzid dynasty, were overthrown in a palace coup by Vizier Rukh Al-Din with support of the army only for the army to split later, engendering a civil war to restore the Menguzids to the throne. Al-Zawad saw the emergence of a Shia prophet who styled himself as the Chakosh Khodaa (Hammer of God), he raised a massive peasant rebellion that straddled the usual Sunni-Shia religious divide and used it to cast down the Ferguzids and installed a theocratic regime that lasted 8 years before collapsing to infighting. Amidst all this upheaval, local grandees such as Beys, emirs and regional military commanders began pulling away from weakened central authorities, withholding taxes and assistance. Even after a tentative restoration of the Menguzid family in 1325, the dynasty's actual control only extended to five cities outside of the capital and local rulers disputed the Menguzid claim to the title of sultan. After the Chakosh Khodaa's death, nine of his disciples declared themselves variously as successor prophets, caliphs or ayatollahs and fought fierce battles against one another resulting in the permanent fragmentation of Al Zawad by 1258.

Taifa was a local administrative unit used for taxation during the Oduniyyad period, usually an area with between 200 and 500 households was considered a taifa. By the middle of the 13th century the former sultanate of Al-Zawad had devolved into some 26 independent taifas and Lakdu was likewise divided into seven great taifas. Individually the disparate taifas were weak and they began falling under the influence of the Zhong court, Emperor Chengzi was interested in keeping his western borders safe by having stable yet weak neighbors. The Daxians did not look upon the rulers of the taifas as equals, any agreement made with them was seen as temporary. At times the Zhong directly supported specific taifas, during 1320 they helped Emir Mawlana of the Bagudids attack and conquer the Gorzifon taifa which had raised tariffs on Daxian pottery; Mawlana's grandson Ali would be unseated years later for failing to submit his tribute on time. The Zhong dynasty showed little interest or inclination to advance territorially beyond the Arik mountain range, neither did it wish to rule over vast numbers of Muslims. Therefore the policy of Zhong officials was to divide and conquer of the taifas, only striking if one taifa became too powerful. The policy of careful balance continued in place for the rest of the Zhong dynasty; it was discarded with the arrival of the expansionist Qian dynasty in 1550.

Daxian Viceroyalties period

Melnek al-Badri, Imperial Viceroy of Ghanim

The Qian decided to completely overhaul the approach to the taifas almost from the get-go. Emperor Canren forcibly unseated his vassal, the emir of the taifa of Ghanim and appointed in his place an Imperial Viceroy. Dianshi Pingmu was a court favorite of Canren who served as Imperial Stool Groom for many years, he was also a dwarf. The alarming maneuver by the Qian had the effect of frightening seventeen taifas into calling for a council of Muslim rulers at which a military pact was agreed, they would remain in arms until such a time as the Qian dynasty was expelled from all Muslim land and was unable to keep meddling in their affairs. Upon learning of this development, Dianshi Pingmu called upon his master to send relief, starting the War of the Dwarf. The war went well for the Muslim coalition at first, they overran Ghanim and forced Pingmu to flee to the mountain passes, namely the Tie Chutou fortress. From here Pingmu's limited forces were able to stop the Muslim army on its tracks by a combination of the elevation, difficult terrain and strong fortifications.

Fresh of destroying the last armies of the dying Zhong dynasty, the Qian relief army pushed the Muslims back from the passes in 1553 and went in the offensive in the spring of 1554, dealing several blows to the coalition and forcing several taifas to either abandon the fight or outright switch sides. The war carried on amongst great brutality by the Qian, who held great antipathy for Islam, many cities were razed to the ground for refusing to surrender or give supplies to the Qian armies and mosques were desecrated. By 1556 the taifas were exhausted in both resources and men and the people were despondent of victory, at which point they engaged in negotiations with Dianshi Pingmu. The compact that ended the war included generous provisions for the respect of religious diversity, reconstruction of mosques and cities, payment of pensions to the ruling families (both those that rebelled and those who defected) in exchange for the acceptance of rule by Imperial Viceroys appointed by the Qian emperor. In the event Dianshi Pingmu only ruled for four years before being assassinated, Emperor Canren chose as his replacement Melnek al-Badri, a Muslim eunuch who was seen with less hostility than his predecessor.

The Viceroyalties of the west were granted a high degree of autonomy to conduct their affairs without interference from the imperial center. Over time the initial viceroys began to build hereditary structures of their own, a movement that was halted in 1712 when it was dictated that the Viceroys would be picked from among the ranks of imperial eunuchs. Many imperial dwarfs and eunuchs considered the position of Imperial Viceroy as the capstone to their careers and the gate to a generous retirement, the Master of Tongues was an office that was seen as the final stepping stone before being appointed. The nature of Daxian rule was always delicate in nature, disagreements between authorities and local Muslim grandees always carried the risk of devolving into religious strife and resistance, religious muftis appointed by a Viceroy were known to turn against the 'infidels' over very minor incidents. Qian policies regarding its dependencies was primarily driven by monetary concerns and sometimes excessive taxes were levied on the territories, in addition many Viceroys were appointed to their postings by giving out large bribes, which they sought to recoup at once by engaging in the grossest of corruption. The system of Viceroyalties would come crashing down during the Second Great War as the Qian dynasty was in need of most of its armed forces to fight on overseas fronts, leaving only small garrisons to watch over the west. Discontent boiled over and sensing an opportunity to break free, the Muslim population initiated a guerrilla war against the rule of the Qian Viceroy's. Under pressure from numerous fronts, the Qian acceded to withdraw from the Viceroyalties while secretly hoping to reassert control after the war ended, a hope dashed by the collapse of the Qian dynasty. The liberation forces quickly declared the re-establishment of the ancient emirates of Ghanim, Lakdu and Zawadia.

Modern Era

Unification and civil war

Main article: Rusani Civil War

Fighters aligned with the FDH at a mustering point in Fazil province

Starting in 1946 popular unrest, communal and religious violence and persistent drought led to the eruption of violent revolts against the monarchies of Ghanim, Lakdu and Zawadia. An underground organization called the Unity Party that advocated the overthrow of the royal families and the unification of all the former Odduniyad wilayat of Rusa into a single nation state began to plot to hijack the popular anti-monarchist sentiments and ride the wave into power. The Unity party had for years been extending its network of supporters into the security forces and militaries that protected the royal establishment. On march 1947 at the beginning of Ramadan, army units sympathetic to the Unity party carried out simultaneous coups and overthrew the three royal dynasties. The Lakdu royal family was machine gunned down at one of their residences, Ghanim's king was simply prevented from landing his plane as he returned from a visit abroad and was forced to fly to Kandara and the Zawadid sultan abdicated at gunpoint and sent into internal exile. Street protests supported by the Unity party calling for unification quickly overtook any other proposal, with the borders seen as artificial constructs to keep the Rusani Muslim nation weak, fragmented and vulnerable to external forces. Ghanim's army commander, General Javad Spabod announced the creation of the Rusana Revolutionary Military Command that would include officers of all the three former militaries and act as an executive national body. The junta's first act was to formalize the unification of the three kingdoms into the Islamic Republic of Rusana.

Altough nominally the same nationality now, the spirit of unity began to disintegrate amid bitter quarrels and the junta soon came to be divided along regional lines. The Unity Party also had envisioned having its military sympathizers give way to the party's political primacy, instead it was being marginalized and kept at arms length from all decision making processes. General Spabod and his Ghanim clique adopted a policy of empowering islamic hardliners in order to confront the Unity Party on the streets, with the Lakdu and Zawadid members of the junta supported the party. Tensions boiled over in 1953 after the Unity Party carried out an assassination attempt on General Spabod by bombing his military motorcade with RPG's. The Ghanim clique retaliated by outlawing the party and arresting the leading members of the Zawadid clique that supported it. This represented the definitive break up of the revolutionary military command into openly hostile factions. On one side stood the newly formed Front for the Defense of the Homeland(FDH) composed of the military forces aligned with the Ghanim clique, hardline islamists from Jamaat-e-Islami and the Party of God. Arrayed against them stood the National Congress for the Defense of the People(NCDP) formed by the Lakdu clique, the remains of the Zawadid clique and the Unity Party. Various groups such as the Christian Defense Militias and the Kassar Front would join the NCDP as the FDH made incremental gains early in the war. The hostilities began with clashes in the capital of Tabish between the FDH and the NCDP, with the FDH being victorious in evicting their rivals from the entirety of the city after three weeks of fighting.

The Little Incursion

Qiu Heng ordered military intervention in the Rusani Civil War.

During the presidency of Daxia's Qiu Heng he sought to address the rebuilding of the traditional Daxian sphere of influence, nations like the newly formed Rusana and Canpei had drifted out of their relations of dependence. The Rusani Civil War had been raging almost since he was first democratically elected and he wanted the disruption to border security and trade to end. He also was unwilling to countenance a victory of the conservative and islamist forces that formed the FDH due to their extreme hostility to Daxia. The FDH wanted to expel all Daxians and ethnic groups related to them from Rusana, these groups totaled some fifteen percent of the population at the time. Qiu Heng was convinced the FDH's secular opponents, the National Congress for the Defense of the People (NCDP) led by Farrukhzad Khosa, were unable to achieve victory on its own after almost nine years of a slogging war. After a series of meetings in November 1962 with Farrukhzad Khosa, an agreement was finalized to 'assist the legitimate government of Rusana in restoring its territorial integrity'. The state propaganda apparatus began driving the narrative that ethnic Daxian's were in grave danger of annihilation and that a short and victorious war was needed to save them. On December of the same year some forty thousand Daxians entered into Rusana from the Xiazhai Pass in the far south; this military action would be known as the Little Incursion in Daxian history, after the term the president used for the operation.

Boosted by Daxian mechanized forces and modern aviation, the NCDP began a series of successful offensives over the course of two months that pushed the FDH back towards the Mursi river in disarray and then forced them across with terrible losses of men and vehicles. Some 7,000 men from the FDH are thought to have been killed fighting to defend the FDH perimeter on the south bank of the Mursi as its limited transport capacity struggled to ferry as many of the trapped troops to the other side. The FDH lack of modern planes meant that their armored columns were prone to being destroyed by enemy aviation before they could be properly deployed for battle or were blown up piecemeal as sitting ducks. By July 1963 the NCDP had made further advanced north and retaken the capital of Tabish almost without a fight, the FDH too battered and demoralized to be able to mount an effective defense even with the benefit of fighting on an urban area, which generally favors the defenders. Only a month later the two sides of the civil war signed a cessation of hostilities that froze the conflict lines, the FDH only controlled a corner of territory in the northwest, some 8% of Rusana while their rivals controlled the rest of the country. Qiu Heng had maintained his promise to the people and delivered a short and victorious war. The NCDP began the process of reasserting its control over the destroyed country and rebuilding its political structures, only now heavily in debt to Daxia politically, militarily and economically; with numerous Daxian bases established in its territory. The Rusana Patriotic Alliance which is the direct political successor of the NCDP continues to steer Rusana into its neighbor's embrace, to the point of dependence.

Contemporary Rusana

The civil war left Rusana's cities in ruins, twelve years of fighting destroying what little infrastructure the country had possessed before. Moreover despite the loss of the islamists, Rusani society was still deeply divided along ideological and ethnic lines. General Farrukhzad Khosa assumed the presidency, presiding over a shattered and bankrupt country. Daxia's Qiu Heng refused to withdraw his forces all the while alluding that Rusana was not ready to go it alone. The Daxians did offer large loans from the Daxian-dominated Audonia Development Bank, which Rusana had little choice but to accept, setting the stage for a long term debt trap. In 1968 Khosa was pushed out in a putsch and replaced with General Bagher Badri who was ousted himself 8 months later. Between 1970 and 1977 Rusana had six more military leaders in the presidency.

Finally in 1978 the Daxians conveyed an ultimatum to the government: install a civilian technocratic administration or Daxia would force the Audonia Development Bank to call for the immediate repayment of its loans, sending Rusana instantly into a default and economic meltdown. The generals in charge gave in to the demand and installed a caretaker government to organize elections within six months. The Rusana Patriotic Alliance was one of the first parties to fulfill the requirements to participate in the election, it had the backing of the powerful eastern elites, which got rich from their close economic ties with Daxia. The islamist camp was in disarray and minority groups like the Christians and the Kassar people were not about to cast their vote for their persecutors during the civil war. The RPA candidate won the election comfortably, pushing Saeed Golzar, a self declared friend of Daxia, into Jalili palace. Although the islamists would rally in subsequent elections, the ruling coalition formed by the city dwellers, eastern tribes and minority groups was too strong to be overcome. The RPA has ruled since 1979 and has, with generous external funding, rebuilt Rusana back into a semblance of, if not prosperity, sufficiency.

Geography and Climate

A view of Band e-Amir Valley in northern Rusana

The majority of the country experiences a tropical climate due to its proximity to the equator. This translates into warm temperatures throughout the year, with slight variations between seasons. The lower lands, which form the bulk of the country, benefit from a tropical savanna climate characterized by distinct wet and dry seasons. These seasonal shifts influence not only the flora and fauna of the region but also the livelihoods and cultural practices of the local population.There is a monsoon season with frequent flooding due to heavy rainfall, and a dry season with significantly less rainfall. There are four distinct seasons in Rusana: a cool, dry winter from December through February; a hot, dry spring from March through May; the summer rainy season, or southeast monsoon period, from June through September; and the retreating monsoon period of October and November. Rainfall can vary greatly from year to year, and patterns of alternate flooding and drought are not uncommon.

The geography of Rusana is varied, the eastern part of the country is dominated by the vast Arik mountain range that begins in the north and extends south all across the Daxian border. West of the mountain range, the terrain descends into verdant lowlands and plains with few distinct orographic features. This area is bound to the north by the southern end of the Hongse river that flows from Canpei and to the south by the Akhdar river, as a result this region is extremely fertile making this the agricultural breadbasket of the country.

Government and Politics

Government

President Rostam Khosa

Rusana follows the traditional republican system of three separate branches that balance each other; an executive led by the popularly elected President who heads the central administration. The President is elected through nationwide elections, every five years and has wide powers over military, economic affairs and foreign policy. The bicameral legislative arm is composed of the Assembly of Tribal Elders and the National Majles, the first is formed by two hundred elders from all of Rusana's ethnic groups and the latter is composed of five hundred elected delegates, with each of the country's 250 districts having two seats, renewed by election every three years. Finally the judiciary is represented by the Supreme Islamic Court and lower level regional courts.

The Constitution of Rusana states that the executive power of the nation shall be vested in the President. The president serves as the head of state and holds power over all public administrative bodies on Rusana in addition to being the Commander-in-Chief of the Rusani Armed Forces. A president is elected alongside with two vice-presidents and all three serve for five years. The president can stand for reelection for a single consecutive term. The president appoints the cabinet ministers and heads of state-owned companies, which are to be approved by a simple majority in the National Majles; he also has the power to dissolve the legislature and call for new elections. The President's official residence is the Jalali Palace. The current President, Rostam Khosa, is only the third civilian to hold the office after a long series of generals serving in the position.

The bicameral legislature is formed by an upper-house, the 200-member Assembly of Tribal Elders and a lower-house, the 500-member National Majles. National Majles members are elected via first-past-the-post under universal adult suffrage, representing National Majles constituencies. The constitution reserves 80 seats for women and religious minorities, allocated to political parties based on proportional representation. Members of the Assembly of Tribal Elders are elected by consensus of the legally recognized tribe confederations. As currently only Rusani tribes are recognized by the government, the tribal assembly serves as a break on proposals from other ethnic groups. Currently the Majles is dominated by the government's Rusana Patriotic Alliance and allied parties, together they hold a majority of 329 out of 500 seats.

Political Parties

Main Article: Political Parties of Rusana

Composition of the National Majles as of 2030. The government and its allies hold 329 seats versus the opposition's 171

Rusana is a multi party democracy, as such many political parties participate in its electoral system. The current ruling and largest party is the Rusana Patriotic Alliance (RPA), a big tent or catch-all party that was formed by the National Congress for the Defense of the People in the aftermath of its victory in the Rusani Civil War. Originally deriving its power and legitimacy from its affiliation with the armed forces, it has transitioned to cultivating the support of the middle and upper urban cohorts, the professional class and ethnic minorities. The party advocates for relatively moderate state intervention in the economy while allowing private actors with enough incentives to compete, a decent social network and policies of international neutrality and good neighborliness with Daxia. The RPA is the leading party of the Builder's Alliance in the Majles by a large margin, with 252 out of a total of 329 seats. Other important parties in the Builder's Alliance are the Party of God that has corralled the votes of the Shia sector, the Party of Rusani Democrats which is an ideological offshoot of the Party of Daxian Democrats and caters mostly to people living in border cities and the Daxian minority.

The opposition rallies around the conservative bloc named the Alliance for Prosperity. The largest component is the Jamaat-e-Islami, the formerly banned Islamist party that lost the civil war and was proscribed for several decades. Jamaat advocates for the implementation of Sharia as the law of the land, and the literal interpretation of its words to permit harsh sentences such as stonings, lashings and executions for infractions such as idolatry, adultery, imbibing alcohol and homosexuality. Jamaat supports the creation of a paternalistic state that has a strong grip on people's private lives, it is also at the very least unwelcoming of foreign influences in Rusana. Other parties in coalition with Jamaat are the Bakers Party, a party that mostly runs on a single issue, keeping the price of bread low.

Demographics

Ethnic Groups

Ethncity according to the official census (2030)

  Rusani (57.5%)

  Daxian (15%)

  Yue (10.7%)

  Tauqi (9.3%)

  Kassar (7.5%)

• Rusani - The Rusani people constitute approximately fifty-seven percent of Rusana's population, or just over thirty million people. Rusani are of a mixed Perso-Audonian and West Audonian stock, with ancestry most commonly being from Umardwal, Bulkh and Yanuban migrants. Rusanis are almost uniformly Muslim, with a divide between followers of the Sunni and the Shia branches. Christianity is practiced only by a few thousand people who are a protected minority. The distinct Rusani ethnic identity only began to emerge long after the collapse of Oduniyyad authority, well into the period where various successor local emirates vied for territorial control; to cement their legitimacy they began to foster a regional identity distinct from the transnational, global Muslim one promoted by the Oduniyyads.
• Daxian - Daxian people have lived in the eastern parts of Rusana since at least the time of the Xie dinasty. Daxian traders and slavers settled and operated in cities such as Nasrad, Pharod and Fanafa. During times of peace, the trade routes across the Arik mountain range would see constant traffic and the moving of small groups of people going both ways. Daxian presence in the area persisted during the Oduniyyad era and afterwards, with many outwardly converting to Islam to evade the heavy taxation of infidels. Today ethnic Daxians form the largest minority in Rusana and thanks to their links to the government of Daxia they are an economically and politically relevant group.
• Yue - Descendants of tribesmen of the Degei Confederation who settled in Rusana during the brief dominion of the Degei over the area, abandoned paganism and converted to Islam en masse in the 8th century. The Yue were long seen and treated as outsiders by the Rusani majority and had few employment opportunities outside of agriculture, until the emirates of the region recognized them as valuable cavalry soldiers. Members of this class of cavalrymen rose at times to positions of great influence in service to their masters. Today the Yue are a minority that is well integrated with the Rusani while maintaining their cultural nomadic traditions.
• Tauqi - The Tauqi claim descent from the pre Islamic population of the region, namely the people of Nasrad and its subordinate city states. They speak a language that is confirmed to be related to ancient Nasrid although in actuality has many loanwords of Rusani origin. Tauqi practice Islam, Christianity and a minority keep the old Pagan rites of Nasrad.
• Kassar - The Kassar people are according to anthropologists, descended from slaves transplanted from southern Sarpedon by the Oduniyyads. As such their complexion is markedly different from the Rusani majority, resembling instead a Slavic people. The Kassar adhere mostly to Christianity and this has made them a target of oppression, especially during the civil war. They maintain a well armed militia for self defense while the Kassar Front political party champions their interest in the Majles.

Religion

National Mosque of Rusana in the capital of Tabish

Since the advent of the conquests of the Oduniyyad Caliphate a majority of Rusana's population has followed Islam, in the modern age approximately 84% of the population has answered in the affirmative if they practiced the religion in the last census. Of said percentage approximately 62% belong to the Shia school and 38% belong to the Sunni school. Shia Islam first arrived in Rusana during the reign of caliph Mansur III as unrest was growing with his over taxation of the provinces, a situation that Zaclarian preacher Enayat Mostofi took advantage of to spread his message among the masses. The dissolution of Oduniyyad power allowed Shi'ism to spread as some of the local rulers adopted it to differentiate even further from the Oduniyyad caliph. Since the end of the civil war, Islam has been recognized as the official state religion and gets important financial endowments thanks to this official status.

After Islam, Christianity is the second largest religious group, amounting to roughly 13% of the population. Christianity was first spread by the Qian dynasty during the viceroyalty period, as a way to balance the Muslim majority and create discord in the population. The Church of the East established as many as five dioceses on the area they were allowed to proselityze in, much to the chagrin of Islamic authorities. Christianity is predominantly practiced by people belonging to ethnic minority groups such as the Kassar people(who are exclusively Christian), the Tauqi and Yue; the government apparatus during the early Qian protectorate featured many bureaucrats who were both Christian and from a minority group. Christianity is a recognized minority religion and has protected status in Rusana.

Culture

The culture of Rusana has been most shaped by cultural currents from the pre-islamic period, its Islamic traditions dating to the Muslim conquest and by its interactions with the Daxian dynasties to the east. Ancient states like Nasrad had a long heritage of sculpting, metalworking, stonemasonry and architecture that were directly adopted by the Oduniyyad dynasty and modified with Islamic motifs and techniques brought from the cradle of Islam in the west of Audonia. The high point of Rusana's cultural development came about after the eclipse of the Oduniyyad dynasty, which had become withdrawn and suspicious of foreign influences and as a result frowned on new developments. The emirate and taifa period saw a resurgence of art as there was an availability of patronage by local rulers, such that talent from many places could find a patron even in smaller courts. Many sculptures and paintings of Muslim rulers comes from this period, as the Islamic tradition of not depicting the visages of rulers to prevent idolatry was increasingly ignored. Miniature painting was created at the court of Lakdu and the old masters were able to foster students and pass on their craft thanks to the sultans of Lakdu. During the viceroyalty period, the Qian built many edifices that combined Islamic elements such as tiled interiors with their own native Daxian architectural elements; regrettably many examples of this architecture were destroyed by the Islamists during the civil war.

Music

Rusani orchestra from the Menguzid period

Traditional Rusani music is known as dastgah, it is vocal based, accompanied by multiple string and wind instruments, as well as percussions. Dastgah as is modernly understood began in the courts of Nasrad. The kings of Nasrad maintained elaborate orchestras to play for them and high dignitaries. A less sumptuous version of dastgah was common in towns and villages, sometimes performers would sing with a single Qanun as accompaniment. The tradition of the dastgah orchestra was not lost with the Muslim invasions, different tones and elements from western Audonian music were integrated into the whole, and a form of military band based around the musical traditions of Dastgah were in use among Rusani armies. The Muslim takeover had the unintended benefit of making music more accessible to the masses as religious festivals and public displays of piety became far more common, all celebrated to the sound of music.

Contact with foreign influences added new instruments to the music scene such as the Daxian gong and wind chimes and Burgoignesc lutes and guitars. Rusana's widespread religiosity has stunted the penetration of 'western' music styles, it is seen as threatening the moral fiber of the young and fundamentally irreligious. One notable exception was a presentation of Shon Iksung, invited to perform at the Tabish Theater by the Emir of Ghanim. Iksung's performance leaving such a mark on the attendees that soon after the piano began making appearances among Dastgah performance groups. Modern western music is available in parts of the capital and in the southern governorates which tend toward being more liberal.

Cuisine

A platter of horse meat served cold. There are three types on the platter: tripe on the left, roasted in the middle, and sausage on the right.

Rusana's national cuisine descends from two traditions, the Nasrid-Islamic tradition of tastes and ingredients, and the Daxian frontier cuisine peppered with more exotic ingredients brought by traders. Breakfast in Rusana tends to be a light meal consisting of fruit, tea with milk and honey and bread. Lunch is the heaviest meal of the day and usually a time where all the family gathers to eat together, Rusani people tend to always try to make time to have lunch at home. Lunch usually features horse and lamb meat in various presentations, platters of olives, bread and spiced rice. Dinner is lighter than lunch but more robust than breakfast, might include tea or milk with sugar as a drink, bread with jam or a bowl of lentils or porridge.

The consumption of horse meat has existed for millennia, cemented among the idiosyncrasy of the people of the region by the myth of Gilgeam the Horse-Eater; a folk hero native to Rusana. Horse eating was frowned upon at first by the Oduniyyads who held horses to be prized companions in war, yet they were never able to stamp out the practice completely and it resumed after they had crumbled. Today horse meat is consumed in many forms, from smoked steaks, to boiled horse guts, kept as dry meat or jerky, salted sausages or marinated in lemon juice. Lamb meat or mutton is also a staple, lamb chops are served with rice, spices and boiled vegetables; since lamb tends to be a little cheaper than horse meat, it is more accessibly to people of lower incomes. lamb roast no pork no booze pouteria sapota

Economy

Salt mine tunnels in Huwara governorate

Rusana has a mixed economy that is heavily slanted towards the primary sector and resource extraction. Agriculture, fishing, mining and oil extraction account for over forty percent of the national gross domestic product. The agriculture sector is the single largest employer in the country, accounting for some 25% of jobs. Despite this it suffers from chronic underfunding by government and decaying water infrastructure. Rusana depends on water sources located in Daxia for up to 35% of its needs. The current status and cubic meters of water alloted for Rusana are under constant renegotiation which creates uncertainty for Rusani farmers. Despite all these hurdles, Rusani olives and citrus are prized in the region for their high quality and taste.

Supply inefficiencies, widespread corruption and political instability have proven to be persistent obstacles to sustained economic growth, averaging a growth of only 3% annually for the past ten years. The government has planned to address many of the systemic economic problems with its 'Future Rusana 2050' plan which calls for tax reform, increased road, power and water infrastructure to boost regional connectivity, increased funding and training for the security forces, the creation of a national anti-corruption watchdog among other new initiatives. The clear inability of the government to fund even half of these plans has led critics to believe that Daxian funding might inevitably be brought in, with dangerous attached strings and conditions.

Mining

The mining industry is mostly in the hands of Daxian companies due to the lack of funds and necessary technology by local companies to properly exploit these resources. The Rusani government typically enters in royalty sharing contracts with Daxian transnationals. The most important minerals exploited are coal, bauxite, tungsten, copper and galena which has high quantity of silver; Rusani silverwork is an art that goes back centuries and has significant renown. The most common types of mining currently being done in Rusana are strip mining and open-pit mining, local environmental groups have raised concerns about the impact all of the waste and pollution created by these mining techniques on the natural habitats. Salt is also mined extensively in Rusana, the most common type of salt being pink salt which is uncommon in other parts of the world. Rusana is making strides in its case to legally protect pink salt by creating a protected designation of origin.

Industry and energy

Soapmaking workshop in Tabish

Light industry and manufacturing that is not capital intensive represents the next largest sector of the economy, with a focus on consumer goods such as crockery, some appliances, clothing items and personal hygiene products such as soap. Soap especially is a popular business for everyday Rusani's to participate in, the soapworks of Tabish cover several dozen city blocks by themselves. The Rusanan economy is able to cover the entire supply chain for many perishable goods that it in turns exports to parts of Audonia for higher returns. Tourism was a moribund sector due to insecurity until only a few years ago but greater policing of tourist areas is leading to a bit of a small boom in visitors, which gives the local economy a much needed injection of foreign currency.

Rusana has sizable proven reserves of natural gas, however due to a lack of funds for investment to develop gas fields, the country has partnered mainly with Daxian gas companies to get the industry going. A Rusana-Daxia gas pipeline with the capacity to transport 2.3 billion cubic feet per day of dry gas is slated to be operational by the second quarter of 2032, with completion of the Rusana section at approximately 72%. Rusana also has modest domestic oil reserves, these reserves stand as of 2030 at 27.8 billion barrels of proven reserves. The national oil company continues exploration in tandem with foreign oil companies to discover new fields. The oil reserves of Rusana are considered a strategic reserve by Daxia, such that there it is rumored that a secret protocol exists to secure them in case of emergency.

Food sector

A tree of the sapot fruit, one of Rusana's tree fruits.

Agriculture is one of the cornerstones of Rusana's economy, it accounts for approximately 21.3% of the economy and employs 30.8% of the total workforce. The industrialization and environmental pollution of many agricultural regions in Daxia has had the knock on effect of making the importation of agricultural produce from Rusana very attractive, as much as a fourth of the produce sold in Daxia is believed by experts to be of Rusani in origin. Technology transfers from Daxian companies opening subsidiaries in Rusana and the introduction of innovative techniques such as the use of drip irrigation and soil conditioner substances to boost soil productivity and yields. Agritech is seen as a very promising niche field that Rusana can pour resources into and become an industry leader in.

The staple crops of Rusana are citrus trees such as oranges, mandarins, lemons, grapefruits, pomelos, and limes, tropical fruits such as the guava and sapot, olives both green and black and avocados. Up to 70% of the avocados produced in Rusana are exported abroad, it is seen as the cash crop par excellence for being so popular. One of the consequences of avocado's profitability is the involvement of mafias in its commercialization. Groups related to the Nasser tribe, namely the Tarouz Revolutionary Council led by Malik el Sami yn Nasser are known to extort protection money and a percentage of profits from avocado farmers and traders. For planted crops wheat, rice, sugarcane and cotton are by far the most common and the most extensively planted by farmers. As of 2030, according to the ministry of agriculture, Rusana's wheat output reached 20.3 million tonnes and for rice 18.5 tonnes.

The livestock sector of Rusana is another important contributor to the nation's GDP, representing some 7.3%. According to official statistics, in 2030 Rusana had as many as 17.2 million cattle, 20.5 million sheep and 13.8 million horses. Pigs are not raised in Rusana for religious reasons. there is a standing ban on its consumption. Rusana is one of the largest producers of horse meat in the world, unlike many other countries, there is no taboo on the slaughter of horses for human consumption, horse meat is widely used in traditional dishes. Some of Rusana's horse milk production is bought by Daxian companies for use as an ingredient in Slozo production.

• 
  Automated bakery
• 
  Worker sorts chunks of pink salt
• 
  Olive trees in Droon Valley
• 
  Ramle oil field
• 
  Al Bustan copper mine
• 
  Workers gathering salt above ground
• 
  Merchant offering a variety of olives in a bazaar

Military

Rusani troops on parade on the Martyr's of Rusana parade grounds

The military forces of Rusana consist of the National Army of Rusana, the National Navy of Rusana and the Air Force of Rusana; in addition there exist several paramilitary and local tribal armed groups which have been extended a formal recognition as part of the Armed Forces. Total active military personnel include 150,000, with 90,000 in the reserves, and 200,000 paramilitary forces. Service in the military is compulsory for men aged 18–35, for a period of 12 months. The military expenditure was 3.8% of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 2030.

The modern military of Rusana is a merger of the historical armies of Ghanim, Lakdu and Zawadia, later during the civil war there was a purging of Islamists from the officer corps and the rank and file. The current makeup of the army is overwhelmingly Rusani, despite the compulsory nature of service, most youths belonging to minorities attempt to evade serving in the army due to discriminatory attitudes. Cases of extreme bullying of non-Muslim conscripts are rarely solved or even investigated. Most of the equipment in use by the armed forces is imported from Daxia, Rusana has no native capability to make its own equipment other than uniforms, certain ammunition calibers, personal arms and light vehicles. Daxia has recently established an unmanned drone factory in Dofzul governorate to provide drones to Rusana's forces. Rusana also has a standing agreement with Daxia that allows the latter to operate and upgrade the T-4 Air Base.